Tuesday, August 30, 2016

#OromoProtests

Behind the Violence in Ethiopia

Will Its Experiment With Ethnic Federalism Work?

bakakkaa entertainment enterview kadir martu part 1

#OromoProtests

High quality global journalism requires investment. Please share this article with others using the link below, do not cut & paste the article. See our Ts&Cs and Copyright Policy for more detail. Email ftsales.support@ft.com to buy additional rights. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/dc27603e-6b7d-11e6-ae5b-a7cc5dd5a28c.html#ixzz4IlWUr9fX

August 29, 2016 6:40 pm

Ethiopia has to loosen its grip on the economy

The authoritarian development model is running up against limits
©AP
A
s Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa crossed the finishing line in his silver medal Olympic marathon run at Rio, he crossed his arms in protest against his government back home. It was a gesture of defiance that could, for transgressing Olympic rules, have cost him his medal and will cause him to live in exile. But it drew global attention to the brutal manner in which the government in Addis Ababa is handling the greatest challenge to the state since the end of the civil war in 1991.
Over the past nine months, hundreds have been killed and thousands incarcerated in a crackdown on protesters from the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group. Feyisa, like many of Ethiopia’s revered long-distance runners, is Oromo. The unrest among his people, which has spread to other groups, is symptomatic of a wider collision as the government seeks to transform a predominantly agrarian society through industrialisation, commercial farming and urbanisation.
Ethiopia has spurred some of the fastest economic growth in Africa while eschewing liberal market orthodoxy and giving the state a central role in development. It is an experiment keenly watched by other African governments more constrained by democratic process.
The protests suggest that this authoritarian development model is running up against its limits. They were originally sparked by federal government plans to extend administration of the overcrowded capital Addis Ababa into the surrounding region of Oromia. Those plans have since been shelved.
But what started as parochial opposition to corrupt land deals has conflated with broader grievances about political repression and the perceived dominance in federal institutions of the Tigray ethnic group. Tigrayans, who spearheaded the overthrow of the government in 1991, make up about 6 per cent of the population.
In theory Ethiopia has the wherewithal to deal with such tension. In practice there is a fundamental contradiction in the way it is governed: between the federal nature of the state as enshrined in the constitution and the reality of centralised, authoritarian power. The de facto one-party state may retain sufficient strength to maintain hegemony for now. But in reverting to such crude tactics to suppress dissent, the government has raised the risk that what started as peaceful protest will evolve into armed revolt.
It is a scenario familiar to many African states. What sets Ethiopia apart is the effectiveness with which the government has approached development. Allies in the US and Europe have come to rely on the country’s comparative stability in a strategically important region threatened by Islamist extremists. International donors have turned a blind eye to the excesses of the regime — as they do in Rwanda, which shares a similar profile — and helped bankroll the state in part because they have received value for their money.
This is short-sighted. To sustain investment in infrastructure, and accelerate export-led industrial and agricultural growth, the country will require greater amounts of foreign capital. That capital will shy away from a further breakdown in law and order.
The government could start by respecting the spirit of the constitution and ushering in more decentralised rule. It needs to loosen in parallel its grip on political and economic freedom if there is to be a chance of providing opportunities for the 100,000 students graduating every year. It will be a delicate process given how tightly controlled the country has been and how charged the climate is as a result. But it is a necessary one. Ethiopian exceptionalism has run its course.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2016. You may share using our article tools.
Please don't cut articles from FT.com and redistribute by email or post to the web.

Monday, August 29, 2016

#OromoProtests

#OromoProtests A Call for Boycot Measures
Desperate times call for desperate measures. Building on its gains so far, the Oromo protests movement is entering a new phase.The unrelenting killing and brutal repression of the regime continues unabated. This is calling for a change of tactics.
Accordingly, the Oromo protests is now calling for a week long, nation-wide boycott of markets and trade activities in this holiday season (of Ethiopian new year and Eid el-Arafaa).
The week chosen for this campaign is a week of intense economic activities in Ethiopia. By boycotting the market and all trade exchanges for a week, this boycott campaign aims at crippling the economy of the regime. This will also demonstrate that it is Oromia and the Oromo that shoulder the heavy brunt of the country's economy. It will also help distinguish between businesses that stand with the people's demand for social justice and those that stand in support of the terrorist regime.
Accordingly, starting from Pagume 1 2008 to Meskerem 2, 2009 EC, there will be a nation-wide campaign targeting the economic power of the system by disrupting, through boycott, of all business and trade activities in Oromia including Finfinnee. The objective of this campaign is to weaken the regime's capacity to oppress the people by crippling its economy.
As we all know, this is a holiday season. It's a season of new year celebration and of Eid -AL Arafaa.
No one needs a reminder that the year that is coming to an end, 2008 EC, the year of trial and tribulation for the Oromo people. It has been a year of intense and bitter struggle. It has also been a year of huge sacrifices made in defense of our rights and in resisting a terrorist regime and it's killing machine.
For Oromos and other oppressed peoples in Ethiopia, the year was no ordinary year. This holiday season therefore is not a holiday season like any other. It is not one in which we spend time just enjoying ourselves, having fun, and being merry. It is a season of remembering our fallen heroes, our martyrs, and all those who are in pain from injuries, those who are in the regime's military detention centers and prisons, those whose whereabouts is unknown, those who grieve because they lost loved ones into the struggle. It is a week of quietly consulting with each other about the future of our struggle and ways of strategizing for the inevitable victory.
Consequently, during this holiday season, we shall take the following measures:
1. Our farmers shall refrain from the usual act of providing the following products/items and/or commodities that are in demand for the holiday season:
A. Grains (xaafii, barley, wheat, etc);
B. Honey, coffee, butter, and other dairy products;
C. Cattle (sheep, goats, bulls, heifers, etc)
D. Poultry products (chicken, eggs)
E. Others.
Households are advised to purchase food items that form part of basic necessities (such as salt, flours, etc) in time, preferably in the week before Pagume 1.
2. Our business people and our traders shall refrain from delivering the above mentioned items to the markets of big cities such as Finfinnee and to the consumers thereof.
3. Any business person and/or trader who violates this call for boycott shall be taken to be standing with the TPLF regime. As such, their activities shall be interrupted. Their travels to and from the cities shall be disrupted.
4. During this week, all Oromos, urban and rural alike, shall not be spending any money or time by going to restaurants, cafes, bars, places of buying and chewing chat (mana barcaa).
Everyone shall be staying at home--with family, friends, relatives and neighbors--remembering our martyrs and deliberating on tactics and strategies for the effectiveness of our struggle in the days to come.
They may also choose to spend time in their chosen places of worship (churches, mosques, temples, etc) to pray and meditate, to consult and reckon with fellow travelers of their faith.
As indicated above, these are tough times. Tough times demand tough measures commensurate to our challenges. This campaign week, because it is holiday week, is a time of heavy economic activity in the country.
The campaign's modest goal is to hit hard on the economic activity of the week by a simple act of boycotting the wanton consumption and provision of products needed thereof.
This is done in order to weaken the regime's economic power deployed to repress our people. It is also done to identify businesses and traders that side with the people's just causes and those that stand in support of the regime's imperative of killing and brutal repression.
We call upon all other justice-loving people to join our people in this campaign. We will also call upon them to understand, to pay attention, to bear witness, and to respond to this appeal to conscience.
Justice shall triumph.

#OromoProtests

#OromoProtests የግዢ እና ሽያጭ ማቆም አድማ ጥሪ
ከጷግሜ 1- መስከረም 2፣ 2018
ቀደም ብለን እንዳስታወቅነው ለቀጣዩ ዘመቻ የተመረጠው ሳምንት በሃገሪቱ ውስጥ ከፍተኛ የንግድ እንቅስቃሴ የሚደረግበት ነው። ስለሆነም ዘመቻው የስርዓቱን ኢኮኖሚ ከማድቀቅም አልፎ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሃገሪቱ ኢኮኖሚ ግንድ መሆኑን የሚያሳይበት ይሆናል። በተጨማሪም በኦሮሚያ ከተሞች ውስጥ ለጨቋኙ ስርዓት ያደሩ ነጋዴዎችንም ለመለየት ይጠቅማል ዘመቻው። በዚሁ መሰረት ከጳጉሜ አንድ እስከ መስከረም ሁለት 2009 ዓ.ም የሚቆይ በስርዓቱ ኢኮኖሚ ላይ ያነጣጠረ ዘመቻ ይደረጋል። ዓላማውም የስርዓቱን ኢኮኖሚ በመምታት የጭቆና አቅሙን ማንኮታኮት ይሆናል። ወቅቱ የዘመን መለወጫና የኣረፋ በዓላት ወቅት ነው። ባሮጌው ዓመት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ለነጻነቱ ባደረገው ከፍተኛ ተጋድሎ ብዙ ልጆቹን ሰውቶ ሺዎችን ላይ ደግሞ የኣካል ጉዳት ደርሷል። በኣስር ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩት ደግሞ በስርዓቱ አስቃቂ እስር ቤቶች አሁንም እየተሰቃዩ ይገኛሉ። ስለሆነም በዓሉ እነዚህን ጀግኖቻችንን እያሰብንና እነርሱ የተሰውለትን ዓላማ ለማሳካት በሚያስችል መልኩ ትግላችንን እየቀጠልን ነጻነታችንን የምናፋጥንበት እንጂ በጭፈራና በከበርቻቻ የምናሳልፈው አይሆንም። በዚሁ መሰረት የሚወሰዱት እርምጃዎች፥
1) አርሶ አደሮቻችን እህል፣ የእርድ ከብት፣ ዶሮ፣ እንቁላል፣ ቂቤ፣ ቅመማ ቅመሞች፣ አትክልቶች፣ ፍራፍሬዎች የመሳሰሉትን በሳምቱ ለገብያ ባለማቅረብ (ጨው፣ ስኳር ፣ዘይትና ሌሎች መሰረታዊ የቤት ውስጥ ፍጆታዎችን በሳምንቱ መጀመሪያ ቀድሞ ባሉት ቀናት በመግዛት)፤
2) ነጋዴዎቻችንም ከላይ የተጠቀሱትን የበዓል ፍጆታዎች ፊንፊኔን ጨምሮ ወደ ሌሎቹ ትልልቅ ከተሞች ከማቅረብ በመቆጠብ፤
3) ይሄን ዘመቻ ለማክሸፍ የሚንቀሳቀሱ ለስርዓቱ ያደሩ ነጋዴዎችንም መንገድ በመዝጋት ጨምሮ በተቻለው መንግድ ሁሉ በማደናቀፍ፤
4) በከተሞችም ሆነ በገጠር የሚኖረው ህዝባችን በነዚህ ቀናት ምንም ነገር ከመሸመት መቆጠም። ምግብ ቤቶች፣ መዝናኛ ቤቶች፣ ሻይ ቤቶች፣ መጠጥ ቤቶች ወዘተ....ሁሉ ገብቶ ምንም ዓይነት ወጪ አለማውጣት። በቤት ውስጥ ከዘመድ ወዳጅ ጋር ተስብስቦ ሰማዕቶቻችንን ማሰብ። እነሱ የተሰውለትንም ትግል እንዴት በፊጥነት ወደፊት ማስቀጥል እንደሚቻል መወያየት። እንደየእምነታችን ወደ እምነት ቤቶች ሄደን ጸሎት ማድረግ። እዛም በጉዳዩ ላይ በጋራ ሆነን መወያየት።
ከላይ በመግቢያው ላይ እንደተጠቀሰው፣ ሳምንቱ ከፍተኛ የንግድ እንቅስቃሴ የሚደረግበት ወቅት ስለሆነ፣ እነዚህን እርምጃዎች በመውሰድ ስርዓቱ ላይ ከፍተኛ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ጉዳት በማድረስ የጭቆና ጉልበቱን ማሽመድመድ ይቻላል። ከዚህም በተጨማሪ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የኢኮኖሚ ዋልታነት ከማሳየትም አልፎ ለስርዓቱ ያደሩና የህዝብ ወገንተኘት ያላቸውን ነጋዴዎች ለመለየት ጥሩ አጋጣሚ ይፈጥራል።
ስለሆነም በህዝባችን ላይ እየተካሄደ ያለውን የግፍ የጅምላ ግድያ እና እስራት የምትቃወሙ ሁሉ በዚህ ሰላምዊ ግን ውጤታማ የትግል ስልት እንድትሳተፉ በአክብሮት እንጠይቃለን

Quebec City Marathon winner replicates Olympic medallist’s political protest

Quebec City Marathon winner replicates Olympic medallist’s political protest: Ebisa Ejigu of Ethiopia performed a sign of protest against his home country's government as he won the Quebec City Marathon on Sunday.

Friday, August 26, 2016

#OromoProtests

cnn

Feyisa Lelisa’s Olympic gesture is an appeal to global public conscience

Awol K. Allo, Special to CNN
Ethiopia's Feyisa Lilesa crosses his arms above his head at the finish line of the Men's Marathon athletics event of the Rio 2016 Olympic Games. (Olivier Morin/AFP/Getty Images)
Ethiopia’s Feyisa Lilesa crosses his arms above his head at the finish line of the Men’s Marathon athletics event of the Rio 2016 Olympic Games. (Olivier Morin/AFP/Getty Images)
Editor’s Note: Awol K. Allo is LSE Fellow in Human Rights at the Centre for the Study of Human Rights. He writes on the issues behind several months of protests by Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, the Oromos. Around 100 people died following clashes with security forces and demonstrators at the weekend, according to Amnesty International. The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author.

Story highlights

  • Ethiopian marathon runner made a protest gesture at Rio finish line
  • Feyisa Lilesa says the Ethiopian government persecutes the Oromo people
  • He fears being killed or imprisoned if he returns to Ethiopia
London (CNN) — Body signs and gestures can be misinterpreted or misrecognized by those to who they are directed. They may also be used in radically different ways and in new and unexpected places.
That is the story of Feyisa Lilesa’s gesture at the Rio Olympics, directed to the global audience as he crossed the Olympic marathon finish line in 2 hours, 9 minutes and 54 seconds to win the silver medal. No one quite understood what this seemingly innocuous gesture, putting hands above head as in “X”, was about, until Lilesa himself explained the message behind his uncommonly courageous act of solidarity.
Lilesa told journalists, “The Ethiopian government is killing my people, so I stand with all protests anywhere”, referring to the nine month protest movement by the Oromo people.
Lilesa used this extraordinary opportunity to tell a world largely indifferent to suffering in distant places about the story of his people, the Oromo, who have been oppressed and silenced by subsequent Ethiopian governments. For him, something more fundamental is at stake than his Olympic medal – a momentous achievement in itself – and he wanted this fundamental issue to be the subject of the post-race press conference and the award ceremony. ‘I am protesting for my people’, he said.
Ethiopia: Marathoner has nothing to fear after Olympic protest
The Oromos have been protesting since November of 2015 against ongoing marginalization, repression and targeted persecution by the government. They have been dying in hundreds just to be heard by the very government that oppresses them and those beyond their shores, which enable their oppression.
Oromo protests: Why US must stop enabling Ethiopia
According to Human Rights watch, security forces killed more than 500 protestors and detained thousands, and the international community is still indifferent. Lilesa’s transformative act of solidarity propelled the Oromo people and their grievance to the global public conscience. Now, a considerable number of people are talking and writing about Oromos and their stories.
Oromos comprise well over a third of Ethiopia’s 100 million people while Tigray, the ethnic group that dominates every aspect of Ethiopia’s political life, constitutes six percent of the population. Oromos also feel that they have no genuine and credible representation in this government.
The Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO), which purportedly represents the Oromo people in government, was created by the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), from Oromo speaking war captives. Rather than being representatives of the Oromo people in government, the OPDO is perceived by Oromos as representatives of the TPLF in Oromia, the largest region in Ethiopia.
Despite being the single largest ethnic group in the country, Oromos do not have the political and economic influence commensurate with their numbers.
This relationship of domination and exploitation between the various ethnic groups in Ethiopia is maintained through a range of violent and coercive measures.

‘I am protesting for my people’

The recent explosion in the criminalization and incarceration of Oromos is the result of legal and political machinations designed to facilitate the disproportionate policing, prosecution, and conviction of Oromos. Lilesa said, “My relatives are in prison and if they talk about democratic rights they are killed.”
Among notable Oromo political leaders who are in jail is Bekele Gerba. Gerba is First Vice Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress Party (OFC), and a prominent land-rights campaigner. He is a fierce advocate of non-violent struggle driven by idealism and a vision for a free and democratic Ethiopia. In an interview with the Guardian two years ago, he explained rather eloquently the ideals and principles that drove him to speak truth to power at great personal risk. “As human beings we deserve democracy, human rights, rule of law”, he insisted, “Until we get it, we’ll go on demanding it, even at the cost of our own lives.”
When the Oromo Protests broke out throughout Ethiopia’s Oromia region, Gerba supported the protest, underscoring the importance of a peaceful and nonviolent popular struggle. In an extreme case of expediency made legal, Gerba and 21 other senior members of the OFC were charged under the country’s notorious anti-terrorism law.
The charges against Gerba and others are nothing more than the frosting on the cake of perpetual eliminations designed to consolidate the supremacy of ethnic Tigrayan elites. Characterized by the intrusion of fiction into the realm of truth and justice, these trials are used by the government to deceive the international community and distort a more enduring and much deeper political crisis. They are microcosms of the larger war of repression and marginalization against the Oromo carried out by legal means.
This is not the first time the Olympic stage was used as an occasion to draw the spotlight on political issues. In 1968, two African Americans, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, used the forum to draw the spotlight on the horrendous treatment of blacks by the United States government. Fifty years later, in 2016, an Oromo from Ethiopia is using the same site to tell the world about the oppression of his people by the Ethiopian government and its primary enabler, the United States government.
As the zenith of this government are two African Americans, President Barak Obama and Ambassador Susan Rice, Obama’s national security advisor, who are seen as instrumental in enabling and legitimizing the oppression of the Oromo and other oppressed people in Ethiopia.
One could argue that they are simply pursuing the policies of the United States government but it is very difficult to find any administration or high ranking official who took the unusual steps taken by the two. In a 2012 speech in Ethiopia, Rice essentially transformed Ethiopia’s long time dictator, Meles Zenawi, into a saint.
In 2015, Obama stood side by side with the Ethiopian government, which claimed to have won 100% of the seats at both national and local levels, and praised as an economic success story and described its government as “democratically elected.” Obama and Rice used their influence to sustain and consolidate Ethiopia’s system of ethnic oppression.
As public figure in his own right, a silver medalist in one of the world’s greatest sporting events, Lilesa used this privileged stage to contradict the narratives of the Ethiopian state and its Western enablers. Far from merely contesting the “Ethiopia rising” narrative produced and disseminated by the Ethiopian government with the help of its loud-speakers, his gesture also destabilizes the West’s consensus on Ethiopia as an oasis of stability in an otherwise combustible region.
Lilesa’s gesture is significant for the Oromo and other oppressed people in Ethiopia and beyond. Against the claims of these all too powerful actors, Lilesa used the Olympic stage to tell the world that the way Oromos and other oppressed people in Ethiopia live is contrary to these narratives.

#OromoProtests

Ethiopian government kills 100 civilians as protests sweep country

By Joe Williams 
26 August 2016
International attention was focused on repression of the Oromo people in Ethiopia by the US-backed government in Addis Ababa, after Ethiopian marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa crossed the finish line August 21 with his arms crossed above his head, a gesture to condemn the government’s violent attacks on protesters in the Oromia region, where he was born.
Lilesa repeated the action during the award ceremony following the race, where he received the silver medal for finishing second. The 26-year-old refused to board the plane bearing Ethiopian athletes back to their home country from Rio de Janeiro, and indicated he might seek political asylum in the United States. He has a wife and children in Addis Ababa. Ethiopian officials refused to discuss his status or his medal-winning performance.
Earlier this month, Ethiopian security forces killed 100 people while putting down protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions. Deadly clashes took place in 10 Oromo towns, including Ambo, Dembi Dolo and Nekempt, while the violence in Amhara was focused on the city of Bahir Dar. Residents believe about 60 people were killed there.
The Oromia protests have been ongoing since November 2015, when the government resumed efforts to implement the Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan. Popularly known simply as “the Master Plan,” it involves seizing land from its Oromo owners for little or no compensation so that it can be sold to international developers. Amnesty International estimates that 400 Oromo have been killed in the nine months since protests began, with tens of thousands more detained, and likely tortured.
The fact that the protests have spread to the Amhara region is a significant development that doubtlessly alarmed the government, and may have contributed to its decision to dramatically escalate the violence of its response. The Amhara and Oromo are historical enemies, and the government has exploited their enmity to keep the two influential ethnic groups fighting each other.
The government overplayed its hand, however, by attempting to arrest activists in the Amharic city of Gondar in July. They were opposing land grabs in the Wolkayt district similar to the ones being imposed on the Oromo, and the attempt at arresting them provoked two days of deadly clashes between civilians and security forces, and triggered mass consciousness of the fact that both ethnic groups are being manipulated against each other for the interests of the government. Two weeks later, tens of thousands of Amhara protesters took to the streets to declare solidarity with the Oromo.
Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, compared the protests to the most intense uprisings of the Palestinians against Zionist occupying forces, saying, “These protests are at the level of an intifada—people in their own ways are resisting the government pressure and demanding their rights. … I don’t think it’s going to die down.”
The protests come several weeks after the government shut down social media web sites for three days, possibly as a test run in anticipation of the uprising. The government’s claim that it did so to prevent students from being distracted during exams has now been exposed as a lie, as it took the exact same measures in response to the protests now sweeping the country. The botched arrest of activists that triggered the protests in Amhara took place during the supposedly exam-related Internet shutdown.
The government has been trying to control the flow of information since last year, when the country suffered a drought that has cut economic growth in half. The worst drought in over a decade, it caused a social and political crisis. The number of people receiving emergency food assistance more than doubled to 10.2 million, schools and hospitals have been shut down, and hundreds of thousands of children are experiencing malnutrition. A similar drought in 2011 killed 200,000 people in neighboring Somalia.
As the government came under fire domestically and internationally for its failure to respond to the crisis, it tried to intimidate journalists from covering it. According to Allafrica.com, “NGOs are being warned not to use the words ‘famine, starvation or death’ in their food appeals. Neither are they to say that ‘children are dying on a daily basis,’ or refer to ‘widespread famine’ or say that ‘the policies of the government in Ethiopia are partially to blame.’ Neither are they allowed to ‘compare the current crisis to the famine of the eighties.’ Instead, the latest drought in Ethiopia is to be described as ‘food insecurity caused by a drought related to El Nino.’ ” The last two Ethiopian regimes were overthrown during droughts that devastated the economy and caused food shortages.
The US embassy in Addis Ababa released a statement that tacitly supported the government’s actions. While claiming to be “deeply concerned” and expressing “deep condolences” to the dead and injured, the statement seeks to place the blame on the victims, noting that “the demonstrations took place without authorization,” along with the standard implorations to “all parties” to remain peaceful.
In 2015, Undersecretary of State Wendy Sherman described Ethiopia as “a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair, credible, open and inclusive. … Every time there is an election, it gets better and better.” In fact, that election proved to be a farce. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) received 100 percent of the vote, and the mass incarceration of political activists, including most of the leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress, followed shortly thereafter.
The rigged election and subsequent repressions did not prevent Obama from travelling to Ethiopia last summer and declaring the regime to be “an outstanding partner” that had been “democratically elected.” He made clear his motives for falsifying the government’s record on democratic rights, as well as Ethiopia’s role in America’s regional foreign policy strategy, saying that the US doesn’t “need to send our own Marines in to do the fighting. The Ethiopians are tough fighters.”
The EPRDF government has provided basing for US drone operations and is propping up the US-backed regime in Somalia. Addis Ababa is currently hosting an emergency meeting of US allies in eastern Africa to form a Force Intervention Brigade to stabilize South Sudan. Unlike the UN peacekeeping mission currently deployed there, the Force Intervention Brigade will be authorized to carry out offensive missions.
At the same time, Ethiopia has responded positively to overtures from China, which include financing for badly needed infrastructure development in Ethiopia. Part of that development is the LAPSSET rail and transportation corridor, which would connect Ethiopia to Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, and South Sudan, while allowing transport of raw materials back to China. Chinese trade with Africa has grown rapidly since 2009.

Ethiopian government kills 100 civilians as protests sweep country

Ethiopian government kills 100 civilians as protests sweep country