Ethiopia : Statement by the High Representative/Vice-President Josep Borrell on the latest developments

 https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage_en/87959/Ethiopia%20:%20Statement%20by%20the%20High%20Representative/Vice-President%20Josep%20Borrell%20on%20the%20latest%20developments?fbclid=IwAR1IKzfiFmOHtFKk2fNPxQnT9fuNvHkN5_IsGZukdSyrGVfXmklcdDCLC74

#AbiyMustGo

 

Abiy Ahmed’s campaign against Oromo: a new Red Terror?

The lack of judicial integrity and the increasing use of violence against citizens bodes ill for Ethiopia’s future. An all-inclusive dialogue is essential to avoid state collapse.

By TREVOR TRUEMAN 10 hours ago1210 views

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‘Oromia is a slaughterhouse now’ was how Teshale Abera, former president of Oromia Supreme Court, described the carnage in Wallaga, Arsi, and Hararge in August 2020. These words were quoted at the beginning of the 53rd report on human rights abuses in Ethiopia by the Oromia Support Group, published on 24 September.

The contents of the report do not make light reading. It describes in gruesome detail incidents of shooting, raping, and torturing to death. Compiling and recording more than 1100 deaths at the hands of government forces since December 2018 leaves one disturbed, unbalanced, and anxious for the future. A regime that attacks its citizens on this scale is not stable. A significant collapse of law and order underlies and underlines this instability.

The onslaught on Oromo in Qellem, Southwest Wallaga, and in East and West Guji zones of the Oromia region was initially justified as a crackdown on the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), rebel fighters who broke ranks with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), after the latter’s triumphant return from exile in September 2018. Since then, there has been a concerted campaign to obliterate OLA and its supporters, especially in these three Oromia zones.

Executed in Chiro in August 2020.

Attacks by government forces began in October 2018 with the killing of three students in Jimma Agaro. It accelerated with the establishment of military command posts at the beginning of 2019.

The campaign quickly broadened. Officials and members of the OLF were killed and many detained. Oromo Federalist Congress politicians and supporters and Oromo journalists were detained and media houses closed. But it is the Qeerroo and Qarree who are bearing the brunt of the killings. They are young, energetic, bright, optimistic Oromo; movers and shakers whose horizontal movement propelled Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to power in April 2018. More than 1000 were killed in peaceful protests which accomplished this change.

These same youngsters, budding leaders, scientists, professors, playwrights, musicians, and artists, are again subjected to lethal persecution. Oromo whose only crime is to be proud of being Oromo and who showed their support for Qeerroo/Qarree, the OLF or Oromo media outlets – during the first few months of Abiy’s premiership, are now being systematically eliminated or detained.

Amsalu Gudeta was shot in the neck at her house.

In Wallaga alone, 421 have been killed since December 2018. Out of these, most (322) have been killed in 2020 , as the pace of killings has accelerated. Across Oromia, 166 were killed in demonstrations after Haacaaluu Hundeessa’s assassination on 29 June. Only 67 have been named so far by OSG and included in its published figures.

Government forces killed at least 16 in Arsi and 55 in Hararge during and following protests 17-19 August. These protests were sparked by the apparent illness of Jawar Mohammed, a prominent opposition leader who was arrested on 30 June, when he appeared in court, but the majority of protests, and the lethal force with which they were met, were more likely pre-planned.

Abuse on a scale of Red Terror

Abuse and lawlessness have not been seen on this scale since the White and Red Terrors of 1977 and 1978. Young men and women are being shot dead on the street, in their homes, and on their farms. Gruesome torture and gratuitous violence are reported, including the removal of eyes and genitalia during torture and the mutilation and beheading of corpses.

Among those shot dead are innocent children, mothers out shopping, a nursing mother in her compound, those with mental disabilities, beggars, and bystanders. These casual and incidental killings of innocent people are not integral to the targeted campaign to eliminate Oromo activists and Oromo media but are merely a symptom of the scorn for the value of Oromo lives exhibited by those carrying out the killings and arrests.

Judge Kamil Siraj arrested in Ginir, Bale.

There has been complete contempt for the rule of law too. Judges are being dismissed or imprisoned for not bending the law in the government’s favor, despite constitutional safeguards against the arrest of judges unless they are found carrying out a criminal act or after being sanctioned by a Judicial Commission. Judges are living in fear. People do not know where to go or to whom to turn for legal redress. Court orders to release prisoners on bail are being ignored by police but detainees are being taken from prison by government soldiers and killed – as in 1977/8. This deterioration in judicial independence and rule of law means that the future of the Ethiopian state is at risk.

OSG Report 53 describes soldiers dragging detainees out of police custody and torturing, killing, and mutilating them. It describes the gang-rape by soldiers of an eight-year-old girl in a military camp in Mandi and the rape of five schoolboys, aged 14-17, in an East Guji military camp; Oromo children used as disposable sordid entertainment. It describes the casual shooting of a nursing mother for target practice. These are examples of behavior not seen, at least for over 40 years, in Oromia.

Media bias: Blaming the victim

Despite the weight of evidence of government atrocities against Oromo, the media inside and outside Ethiopia give fewer column inches to this persecution than they give to claims, without evidence, that the Oromo youth, and not hired agents provocateurs, were responsible for the violence in Shashamane, Dhera, and elsewhere, which followed the killing of Qeerroo/Qarree icon Haacaaluu.

Despite eye witness reports that perpetrators of the violence were transported in from outside the area; despite evidence that security services and kebele officials were complicit with the violence; and despite at least two-thirds of the victims being Oromo, in a remarkable demonstration of cognitive dissonance, media blamed the violence on Oromo youth, specifically Qeerroo.

Claims of Oromo violence are often made in response to sophisticated and deliberate fabrications that are aired in right-wing Amhara circles such as Abbay Media. The effect of well-connected lobbyists using this material must not be underestimated.

Institutional racism

In my opinion, deep-seated, racist hostility exists between citizens identifying with ancient Abyssinia and those living in other parts of modern Ethiopia. Whatever one’s views on the colonial narrative in the history of Ethiopia, there is no denying the existence of racist attitudes and beliefs about Oromo and other peoples. These attitudes are ingrained within the culture of urban elites.

Changing public beliefs and attitudes is especially difficult if they are culturally and ethnically assigned. The attitude of the people of Britain towards its colonial or postcolonial subjects took decades to swing from the paternalistic and racist belief in innate British superiority and privilege to the present, at least professed, ideals of fairness and equality. Similar changes are necessary for Ethiopia.

Executed in Chiro in August 2020.

It is important not to ethnicize human rights and it is especially important not to weaponize human rights. But abuse must be called out and must therefore be accurately reported. The Ethiopian government is concocting a thin veil of legality to mask its detention of Oromo politicians and silence Oromo media while conducting a concerted campaign against supporters of self-determination in Oromia, Sidama, Wolaita, Qimant, and Benishangul-Gumuz areas.

In conclusion, the collapse of whatever remained of the integrity of the judiciary and legal custodial system in Ethiopia is alarming.  This and the increasing use of violence against its citizens token ill for Abiy’s regime. If the possibility of collapse into Somali-style chaos is to be avoided then moderation and dialogue are essential.

It is the people of Ethiopia who must decide how they are ruled and by whom. The role of the present Ethiopian government should be to facilitate those decisions by holding elections. Meanwhile, establishing a transitional government with representation from all parties – as in 1991- is a feasible option. However flawed such a transitional arrangement may have been and may still be, it could still prevent Ethiopia from descending into lawless anarchy.

Above all, the integrity of an independent judiciary is essential for the future of Ethiopia. A strong independent judiciary and ending the impunity of the security forces for abuses against citizens would be enormous strides forward for stability in Ethiopia.

Waamicha Qeerroo Marsaa 5ffaa

#FreeAllPoleticalPresionersInEthiopia

 Mr. Bekele Gerba’s Eyes Are Our Eyes!

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Update on the Overall Situation of the Oromo Political Prisoners: Medical Care, Health, and Others

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Addis Ababa/ Finfinne - 23 October 2020

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Mr. Bekele Gerba’s left eye is in a brink of permanent impairment. The Kaliti prison administration denied him access to his monthly medical appointments and a medication he used to receive once a month. This has worsened his eye condition. The prison officials claimed they didn’t receive an order from court that states he can see his private doctor.

Although the court gave an order that Bekele Gerba could get the care he needs, the prison officials only gave him access to prison clinic. Bekele refused the prison clinic, because he knows the type of care he needs is only found in two clinics in the entire country.

On the other hand, Shemsedin Teha who suffered from tortures, is in danger of losing his hearing. Washington hospital has referred his case to get further treatment from a higher clinic called Korean Hospital, located in Finfinne/Addis Ababa. Similar to Mr. Bekele, Shemsedin is also denied access to medical care after being transferred to Kaliti prison. Though the prison administration took him to a hospital for the first time this afternoon, he was not able to get his doctor.

Most of the political prisoners charged along with Jawar Mohammed’s (N-24) file, claimed that they are not getting the necessary medical care they need. For instance, a defendant named Mr. Gutu said, "we are treated like animals, they told us to get our treatment outside of the clinic on the field." He said they took him to see a doctor only once and they refused to take him to his ultrasound appointment.

Regarding the health and overall handling of prisoners, the defendents expressed that there is discrimination based on political, religous, identity backgrounds. For instance, they claimed the administration gives preferential treatment for other prisoners like prisoners from ‘Metec’ and ‘Baldras.’ On the other hand when Oromo political prisoners request to get medical care, they are often told they have not received permission from higher officials. It is self-evident that this discriminatory treatment is intentional and politically motivated.

The prison administration is not willing to address concerns of Oromo political prisoners. The prisoners and their families are expressing their discontent with the prison’s inconsistent and arbitrary decision of limiting the number of visitors to five and sometimes to two. Oromo political prisoners are treated unfairly based on their religion as well. To mention few cases, Mr. Mustaward Tamaam’s female relatives, though willing to go through the required security check, were prohibited from visiting him in prison merely because they wore niqab. Moreover, Mustawardi was also prohibited from making phone calls with his relatives living abroad, while other prisoners were allowed to have phone conversations with their relatives living abroad. Similarly, Mr. Yelemawork - one of Jawar Mohammed’s security guards - is also not allowed to have phone conversations with his family. After Jawar and et al. were transferred to Kaliti prison, most of the wall phone in prison were uninstalled.

It is obvious that the conditions of the prison is unsafe and can potentially expose prisoners to further dangerous situations. The location of the prison appears to be found on illegal grounds, built on a hidden location that looks like a slum. In other words, it seems like an unsanitary refugee camp. The construction of the jail is built without a plan, where the entrance and exit are unknown. The surrounding houses looks like temporary houses made of very thin steel, wood, mud and its electric power cords appear to be in hazardous and unsafe condition.

Finally, witnesses reported hearing a sound of gunfire in the prison around noon, today. According to members of the correctional officers, the shooting was accidental, and no other information has been known regarding injuries.

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October 23, 2020

#AbiyAhmed#MustGo#Ethiopia

 Expired, Decadent, and Violent: Abiy Ahmed has to be Removed Urgently!

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Tsegaye R Ararssa

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After the 5th of October, Abiy Ahmed's regime has expired. Literally.

The expiry of his tenure (his legally sanctioned term of office) was only preceded by a complete loss of political support among the vast majority of the people across the country. In Oromia, Tigray, Wolaita, and in all the areas where people sought, and still serk, self-rule and democratic election, he does not just lack popular support but exudes public anger. To these people, he is--and shall remain-- anathema.

In Oromia, there has never been a person who became as famous as Abiy Ahmed so fast only to become as infamous as he is today--again--so fast. Today, he is public enemy number 1.

Surely, when all this is over, Oromia wants Abiy to account for his atrocities. The nation hopes that he will, one day--hopefully soon--stand trial for his unspeakable crimes (if at all he comes out of the palace alive).

Most certainly, he can't escape responsibility, even long after he goes into the dustbin of history (for his crimes are not barred even by a statute of limitation).

His temporally brief tenure will be remembered, above all, as the time when the dignity of public office was utterly degraded by lies, deceptions, and grand corruption. For all the bigoted religious (at times, messianic) language used to invoke morality as a way of doing politics [which in itself is wrong!], the notion of ethical-moral integrity is rendered completely alien to his regime.

There seems to be no limit to the corruption, the embezzlement, the doling out of public resources (eg., land, bank loans, investment leases, permits, etc) for buying support or 'political clients' (in an intricate system of client-patron relationship). The cover ups of crimes, political assassinations, and brutal tortures were all funded by finances whose sources 'no one knows' or are obtained from criminal 'business' embedded within the regime. The lies, deception tactics, the corruption, the bribes, and the suppression of the public's truth points to the moral decadence of Abiy and his team.

As far as integrity needed for serving in a public office is concerned, they have decomposed, and they did so way before their tenure legally expired. The expiry of the term of parliamentary tenure only made it more complete.

So was the violence. Political assassinations, terror tactics by state security forces (such as burning houses, indiscriminate shootings and massacres, tortures, political rape, killing and giving the bodies of their victims to wild beasts, mass detentions, denial of access to health to political prisoners, etc etc) had become become the hallmark of Abiy's rule way before the 5th of October.

At the time of this writing, Abiy's regime is politically despised (by the public), legally expired, morally decadent, and psycho-physically violent.

In short, it has become a perfect criminal. And its criminality is total.

It's time for responsible constitutional bodies to take urgent action in order to control, remove, and punish this group of gangsters--and restore much needed peace and stability in the country.

#AbiyMustGo#OromoProtests#Ethiopia

#AbiyMustGo#OromoProtests#Ethiopia

በ Henok Dejene

 በኩቡር ጃል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ ቤት የነበረን የሶስት ቀን እገታና የአንድ ቀን የፖሊስ ጣቢያ ቆይታችን!

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የኦነግ ሊቀመንበርነት ጃል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ መግለጫ በሚሰጥበት ቦታ ከ3 ከጓደኞቼ ጋር ተገኝተን ነበር። የሆነው ነገር እጅግ በጣም ያሳፍራል።መጀመሪያ የክብር ጃል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ መኖሪያ ቤት ገና እንደደረስን ካሳቸው ቤት አጠገብ  የአፍሪካ ፕሬዝዳንት መኖሪያ ግቢ አካባቢ ለጥበቃ የቆሙ የሚመስሉ የፌዴራል ፖሊሶች ተደርድረው ነበር።በቦታው አንጋፋ ሰዎችና የተለያዩ እንግዳዎች ተገኝተዋል።የሆነው ሆኖ ፕሮግራሙ ተጀመረ! ፕሮግራሙ እንደተጀመረ ሀያ ደቂቃ እንደሞላው የግቢው በር ተንኳኳ! በሩ እንደተከፈተ አራት የፌደራል ፖሊስ እና አንድ ሸሚዝ የለበሰ የደህንነት ሰው ግቢ ውስጥ ካልገባን ሲሉ ፤በሩን የከፈቱት ቄሮዎች የፍርድቤት ማዘዣ ካልያዛችሁ መግባት እንደማይችሉና ህጉም እንደማይፈቅድላቸው አስረዷቸው። ነገር ግን ቃል በቃል ወታደሮቹ የመለሱት  መልስ ሊያውም በንቀትና በአማርኛ "ውስጥ ለመግባት የፍርድ ቤት ትእዛዝ አያስፈልገንም!" በማለት መሳሪያ አቀባብሎ ዞር በል! እያሉ ወታደሮቹ ግርግር ፈርጥረው ፕሮግራሙን ሲረብሹ ክቡር ጄል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ መግለጫ መስጠቱን አቋርጠው ወጥተው ሲያናግሯቸው በአንዴ ወታደሮቹ ስክን አሉ። ባህሪያቸው ለምን በአንድ ከያዙን ልቀቁኝ ወደ መስከን እንደተቀየረ አልገባኝም።

....ንግግር ተጀመረ! ወታደሮቹ እኛ የመጣነው ጋዜጠኞቹን ፈልገን ነው። እነሱን አሶጡልን አሉ! በትዛዛቸውም መሰረት ነገሮቹን ላለማባባስ ሲባል ጋዜጠኞቹ ወጡ ተያዙ፤ ቀጠሉና ፕሮግራሙ ላይ የነበሩትን ሰዎች ስም እንመዝግብ አሉ! ፕሮግራሙ ላይ ያሉትን መዘገቡ ለግዜው ማንም ከግቢው ወጥቶ እንዳይሄድ ከላይ የተሰጠን ትዛዝ ስላለ ማንም መግባት መውጣት አይችልም። ከግቢ የምትወጡት ትዛዙ በድጋሚ ከላይ ሲሰጠን ነው ተብለን ተቀምጠን። ሰዓታት አለፉ! ጠበቅን መጠበቅን የተለየ ነገር የለም  እዛው ቤት አደርን። 

በንጋታው በጠዋት ተጨማሪ ወታደሮች የጃል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ መኖሪያ ግቢ ከበው ይገኛሉ።  እንግዶቹ አሁንም ድረስ እንደታገቱ ነው። ወደ ወስጥ ማንም አይገባም። ወደ ውጪም ማንም አይወጣም። 

ከጠዋቱ አራት ስዓት ላይ የጃል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ እንግዶች ከግቢ ወጥተው መሄድ እንደሚችሉ ትዛዝ ከበላይ መጣ ተባለ። እንግዶቹም ከወጡ በኃላ በፖሊስ መኪና ልክ ወንጀል እንደሰራ ሰው ተጭነው ወደ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ሄዱ። በቤቱ ውስጥ የቀረነውም ላለመውጣት ወሰንን። 

የእንግዶቹ እና የጋዜጠኞቹ መታስርና ከተለያዩ ከሀገር ውስጥ ሚዲያዎች አልፎ ወደ አለም አቀፍ Human rights ተቋማት ጉዳዩ ደረሰ። የሆነው ሆኖ  በስንት ሙግት ወደ ማክሰኞ አመሻሻ ላይ ጋዜጠኞቹም የጃል ዳዎድ  እንግዳዎቹም ከእስር ተለቀቁ። በንጋታው ዕሮብ እለት ጃል ዳዎድ ቤት ውስጥ ቀርተን የነበርን ሁሉ ከሁለት ቀን  የጃል ዳዎድ ቤት እገታ በኋላ አንድ ቀን  ፖሊስ ጣቢያ አሽተው  አንገላተው ለቀቁን።

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በጃል ዳዎድ ቤት በነበርን ቆይታ አንድም እንከን ሳይገጥመን ሁሉነገር ተሟልቶልን ሳንጨናነቅ በክቡር ጄል ዳዎድ ኢብሳ መኖሪያ ቤት በማሳላፋችን እጅግ በጣም ታላቅ ክብርና ደስታ ለታላቁ አንጋፋው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል አባት ምስጋና ማቅረብ እንፈልጋለን።🙏

#AbiyMustGo#Ethiopia

A TRIBUTE TO YOUNG AWOL- BAALEE ROOBEE

The life of this Oromo young man was taken away yesterday by the security forces deployed by Abiy Ahmed. 

Awol, his name, was peacefully marching along with dozens of his friends, demanding the release of the Oromo political prisoners, who were recently jailed as part of Abiy Ahmed’s political scheme to dismiss the critical Oromo voices from the field. 

Young Awol was courageously marching unarmed, carrying banners and postures in the town of Bale Robe when heavily armed security squads belonging to Abiy Ahmed opened gunfire on them. 

This young man’s life was ripped from us in a consistently devastating act of Abiy Ahmed’s violent policy against the Oromo. 

Little does Abiy Ahmed understands the Oromo people’s undying devotion to making sure the future generation inherits a free and democratic Oromia. 

 

It’s upon the Oromo nation to turn this grief into a legacy that will forever honor the heroism this young man embodied. 

REST IN POWER YOUNG MAN!

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The main opposition Party is calling for peacefull power transition

#AbiyMustGo#Ethiopia

 

#AbiyAhmedMustGo

 https://www.ethiopia-insight.com/2020/10/03/ethiopian-court-asks-attorney-general-to-explain-comment-after-jawar-and-bekele-accuse-him-of-presuming-their-guilt/?fbclid=IwAR2hnmHOv9_WgdCpagnQwOSqpbLJPJvruJ-_UQpFhgP4LOVfxLJhSq2Dvi8

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