#Qeerroo

Sanyi ganna facaasan
Haamissis tahus waggaa
Isa Du'etuu bada malee
Inni jiru waa Arka
Silas Kan jiru Lubbuun
Waa Arguun isaan oluu
Maqaafis tahu Har'a
Jalaa baanerra kooluu
Sii Achi komii qabnu
Diina baddaafi Lagarraa
Miidhaafi mooyastuhu
Keennuma tahuu barraa
Wanni Ani jaraaf himu
Hamma nama obboleessaa
Yaadachiisun barbaadee
Bakka turan kaleessa
Osoo Qeerron Hin jiraanne?
Qarreenis jara duukaa
Isinis As Hin geettuu
Goluma teessuu suuqaa
Gaafa Qeerron falmii kaase
Qalama fudhatee iyyee
Nama meeqatuu jaraan jedhe
Hara kunniin Durriyye
Jarris jechaaf bakka laannee
Itti roobsanis bonbi Aaraa
Qeerroo Dhuman yon yaadadhu
Gaddikoo gammachuu Har'aa caala
Silaa murtiin diinaa tahee
Hin kufu #siraaj #fargeessaa
Warri muudamtanis jabaadhaa
Nu baasaa Dukkana keessaa ?
Qeerof Qarreenis gammadaa
Kan Lubbuun keessan yoona gahe
Garuu Hujiin barbaannaa?
Waan gurii keenna dhagahee
Galatoomaa 
Shukrii Bahmud

#QeerrooOromoPawor

BY SEENA OROMIA
April 15,2018

All that glitters is not gold: Can Ethiopia’s new PM deliver?

(OPride) — On April 2, the ruling Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) elected Dr. Abiy Ahmed as its first Oromo Prime Minister. People are still celebrating his ascent and analyzing his inaugural speech. Perhaps, you are wondering what Abiy’s elevation means and why Oromos and other Ethiopians are celebrating.
First off, no, it does not mean the Oromo people are free. But, to tell you the truth, it is a bittersweet situation. A moment like this is unknown to our generation and to all the colonized and oppressed people of Ethiopia, including the Oromo, who are too hungry for freedom. Imagine what it feels to see one of your own – the first self-identifying Oromo leader – ascend to the highest office in the land; to observe him address a crowd in Afaan Oromo, a language once thought of as a birds language or that it would break radio; to witness his children wearing Oromo traditional cloth to his inauguration; to see a tradition and culture once thought too primitive to take the center stage. It feels great.
I am happy too but with great caution. The reasons for my skepticism are many: For one, the draconian state of emergency is still in full force. Second, thousands still languish in jails, millions are still scattered around the region in refugee camps, and more than a million people are still internally displaced.
Nonetheless, we are excited for this fleeting moment; this short second until reality hits us in the head to wakes us up. The reality for Oromos is that nothing has changed. Abiy is still the same man. He is still part of the repressive EPRDF system, which raised him and facilitated his rise to the throne. The same authoritarian system that pushed hundreds of thousands of people into exile and made us stateless over the last quarter of a century.
I am sure some of you would say: Let us give him some time. Or that now it is a time for celebration, for healing and a time to look forward and a time to move forward. But allow me to share some thoughts.

Abiy Ahmed, OPDO and Qeerroo

The truth of the matter is that Abiy represents his party, the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO). OPDO represents its members in the EPRDF coalition. They were never elected democratically by the Oromo people or to represent the Oromo. Now, the OPDO under President Lamma Magarsa has changed greatly. Team Lemma, including PM Abiy, deserves our respect for their leadership, bravery and political skills. They saved a party on the brink of irrelevance. While Team Lemma’s maneuver to get Abiy elected is remarkable, their true accomplishments are yet to be seen. Abiy and his colleagues have no time to celebrate. His skeptics and adversaries are too many and too great. He faces serious challenges both within the Oromo and OPDO, as well as outside of his immediate constituency, particularly from the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) establishment.
On the one hand, the Oromo youth seem ready to embrace him. But they want to see real change and they want to see it now. They have sacrificed so much and buried too many of their peers. Another year, another term may not cut it. They expect the premier to hit the ground running. They expect him to lift the emergency decree immediately; to make sure genuine self-rule for Oromia state; to release of all political prisoners; to return of IDPs to their lands and rehabilitate them; to engage with the opposition and chart an all-inclusive path forward.
In addition to pressures from Qeerroo, OPDO faces an internal conflict where some of its members continue to undermine Team Lemma in partnership with the TPLF oligarchy. A divided house can hardly sustain itself let alone accomplish much that is of value. OPDO must clean its houses fast to make sure that ongoing reforms can trickle down to the local level.

Focus on Oromia
Abiy faces so much expectation and a great responsibility within a very limited time but, he is not a magician. He can’t change a 28-year-old system overnight. Nevertheless, every step he takes will matter for his party, for his people, for EPRDF and for the country as a whole. Now more than ever, he cannot become complacent.
Both Abiy and his party must understand, they cannot deliver anything meaningful if the old system remains intact. The old guard cares more about EPRDF’s legacy and organizational culture than the country’s future. Abiy may have saved the OPDOs from exiting EPRDF but he should not let the party undermine him as they did with his predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn.
The OPDO knows that the current system exists only if they are in it. TPLF knows that too but it largely gave into OPDO’s demands with the hope of placing their trustees in positions of power, making it impossible for Abiy to implement his vision. He must stay vigilant, guard against TPLF’s factionalism and cronyism. Meanwhile, Lemma should be given the space to finish and consolidate the reforms now underway in Oromia. He stepped aside and nominated Abiy for the premiership arguing that he needed more time to build a strong Oromia. He is right. True change lies in Oromia whether that is political freedom or economic empowerment. It is also here we must focus our attention.

Oromo diaspora

The Oromo diaspora played a crucial role in amplifying the protest movement. At least indirectly, diaspora activism also helped the OPDO gain confidence and start listening to the grievances of the protesters. Even with its ups and downs, the diaspora’s contribution to the struggle cannot be discounted. As a diaspora myself, I understand and appreciate the constant balancing we have to achieve between work, family and other challenges. However, I often wonder about the real impact of social media activism; how many of those who are active on Facebook or Twitter actually do anything more than their updates and LIVE videos. Ask yourself this question: Out of all your Facebook friends, how many will take a day off to attend a solidarity protest or to lobby elected officials? How many attend community meetings regularly? How many of them join or support civic and community organizations? Too often we see the same faces at various Oromo events while we claim to exist in the thousands.

Social media is one of the most powerful tools of the 21st century and a gift to many grassroots movements. It gives everyone equal access and the same possibilities. We are all entitled to our opinions without accountability. We can write and say whatever we want without worrying about facts or whether it is hurtful to others.
I am not trying to minimize the power or importance of social media. Over the last four years, the Oromo struggle moved along at a faster pace in part because of social media. It is a great tool. But no freedom has been realized only through social media activism. The closest we have seen is in Egypt, but look where Egypt is today.
So, this means that we must continue to press on but also dig deeper and seek out alternative forms of advocacy. The passage on April 10 of House Resolution 128 is a good example of what community organizing and social media activism can do when deployed concurrently. The diaspora’s continued advocacy for freedom, human rights and inclusive governance in Ethiopia remains as critical as it was before Abiy’s election.
It is my hope that the new PM sees H. Res. 128 as a useful platform that advances human rights in Ethiopia. This strong gesture from U.S. Congress is an opportunity that needs to be grasped — not to be fight against. It is good for the prime minister if he wants to build a democratic and fair nation. However, if he chooses to fight against this resolution as the previous administration did, it will be an sign that he is not committed to genuine democratic reform. Only an authoritarian regime will fight against a measure that calls for respect of human rights. Status quo is no longer acceptable, especially among the Oromo who have paid huge sacrifice under a century old oppression. The Oromo will no longer accept or tolerate anything less that it deserves. We want, and we need a government for the people by the people.
This brings me to my last point. Who keeps Abiy and the OPDO accountable?
It is safe to assume that if EPRDF reverts back to its old ways and fails to deliver, Qeerroo will return to the streets once more.
That raises this other question: how long would Qeerroo and the Oromo people continue with nonviolent struggle? The pain and suffering have reached all Oromo households. People’s patience has been tested at every turn. The economy is not getting better. The youth don’t have jobs. Those who are employed are often underpaid and lack avenues for advancement. More important, continued repression has backed people to a corner. If history shows us anything, the next stage of the struggle will be different. It will require a different kind of response from all of us.
It is now more than ever that we need sustainable organizations in and outside of the country. Both at home and abroad, power belongs to the organized. Where do you fit? I dare you to ask yourself. I dare you to join and support a Oromo organization whether that is a political party or a civic or community group. We can’t afford to always react to events. We must start being proactive and planning for the future  and for all scenarios.

© 2008- 2018. OPride.com.

#FreeAllPoleticalPrisnor

Ethiopia Closes Infamous Prison, But Activists Await Deeper Reforms

Days after swearing in its new prime minister, Ethiopia has begun to make good on promised reforms. In the past week, officials have closed an infamous detention center and released 11 jailed journalists and politicians.
Former prisoners and journalists, however, say that many detainees have simply been moved to different facilities, and they question whether the symbolic closure and releases signify real change.

New prime minister

On April 2, Abiy Ahmed became prime minister after a protracted nomination process following the sudden resignation of his predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn.

In his acceptance speech, Ahmed emphasized unity.
“From this day forward, we will look at political parties outside of EPRDF (the ruling political coalition) as competitors rather than enemies — their supporters as brothers and sisters who have alternative ideas and who love their country — and as a collection of citizens,” Ahmed said.
Concrete steps followed.
On Thursday, politicians and journalists who had been jailed for participating in an illegal gathering in late March were released. Most had been imprisoned previously.

FILE - Supporters celebrate as they welcome Merera Gudina, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress party, after his release from prison in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Jan. 17, 2018.
A day later, the government announced that it had closed Maekelawi Prison, a detention center and police station in Addis Ababa, the capital.
When he announced the decision to close Maekelawi at a press conference broadcast on state-owned media in early January, then-Prime Minister Desalegn linked the facility to atrocities committed by the Derg, a regime that lost power in the late 1980s, and said the facility would become a museum.
Dissidents, former prisoners and human rights groups, however, say the prison is more than a symbol of an ugly past. They say detainees at Maekelawi have continued to experience inhumane conditions.
In a 2013 report on the prison and an attached police station, Human Rights Watch concluded that abuses at Maekelawi were widespread.
“Police investigators at Maekelawi use coercive methods on detainees amounting to torture or other ill-treatment to extract confessions, statements and other information from detainees. Detainees are often denied access to lawyers and family members. Depending on their compliance with the demands of investigators, detainees are punished or rewarded with denial or access to water, food, light and other basic needs,” according to HRW.

‘Not about the walls and the people inside’
Now that Maekelawi has closed, activists and former prisoners question whether authorities will ensure inhumane treatment doesn’t persist at other facilities around the country.
Chaltu Takele was accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front, a group the government considers a terrorist organization, and she spent nearly a decade in prison, including time at Maekelawi.
“I am very happy that Maekelawi is closed, for sure,” Takele told VOA’s Amharic service. “However, at the end of the day, it is not about the walls and the people inside, but the people who are doing these deeds and torturing people.”What counts isn’t closing a particular facility, she added, but changing “the psyche of the people” who commit inhumane acts.
Emawayesh Alemu, who was also imprisoned for many years, echoed those thoughts.
“If Maekelawi is closed and another Maekelawi is opened, there is no change. If they open another facility,
Nigist Yirga, who was arrested for participating in protests, described unbearable conditions. how can we say Maekelawi is closed?” Alemu said.

Nigist Yirga, who was arrested for participating in protests, described unbearable conditions.“Maekelawi is like hell on Earth. We didn’t know the difference between day and night. A young person going into that detention center comes out crippled and carried by people as someone who couldn’t walk anymore,” she said.
“At night they make you go naked — men and women are forced to get naked. They used to make me stand naked, and they used to tell them to make me walk barefoot as my feet were wounded on the cold tile floors,” Yirga told VOA.
Getachew Shiferaw, the editor of the news website Negere Ethiopia, was detained at Maekelawi and documented inmates’ experiences. He told VOA that the closing is meaningless.
“The people who were subjected to unjust treatment in Maekelawi are still in prison,” he said.
Shiferaw named multiple detainees who had been tortured at Maekelawi and were transferred to Kaliti Prison, also in Addis Ababa. Several of those prisoners had been maimed or made sterile after the trauma they experienced, he said. Others were held in solitary confinement for months at a time.

Reconciliation
To move forward, Shiferaw said, the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, must not only close facilities and release prisoners but also own up to its misdeeds.
“EPRDF needs to admit to and acknowledge the atrocities that happened in the detention center, just like how they admit that there has been bad governance and corruption issues. They have to admit the inhumane treatment committed in Maekelawi. They need to acknowledge it now because they will be criticized for it tomorrow — these deeds that force people to hate their own country and treat people inhumanely and isolate them,” he said.
The government must also provide medical treatment and support services for prisoners now suffering from long-term health problems, Shiferaw added.
Until then, Shiferaw and other former prisoners await the release of all dissidents and restitution for those who have been subjected to unbearable pain and humiliation.

Ethiopia Special News አሁን የደረሰን ሰበር ዜና አምልጦ የወጣ ሚስጥር April/6/2018

Bekele Gerba on Land-Grabbing Around Finfinne and Environmental Pollution

#OromoProtests

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/03/ethiopia-1100-detained-state-emergency-180331172753820.html

#OromoProtests

https://globalvoices.org/2018/03/30/netizen-report-ethiopia-arrests-leading-journalists-and-activists-in-state-of-emergency/

#OromoRevolution

https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/ethiopia-minority-rule-tigray-oromo-amhara-prime-minister-economy-protest

Don’t underestimate Ethiopia’s crisis

Simon Allison 23 Feb 2018 00:00

Simon Allison in Addis Ababa

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COMMENT

For the past four years, ever since the first serious rumblings of discontent began, it has been difficult to appreciate the scale of the political crisis in Ethiopia.

Africa’s second-most populous country maintains an extraordinarily tight grip on information. Local journalists are routinely harassed, intimidated and censored, and foreign journalists are closely watched and prevented from going anywhere too sensitive. Local nongovernmental organisations and opposition parties operate under similar restrictions: under draconian laws, NGOs must tow the government line or risk losing their operating licences; opposition sympathisers are locked up in their thousands.

The international NGOs and think-tanks that operate in Ethiopia are complicit in maintaining the veil of silence. Many agree to refrain from any criticism of the Ethiopian regime in exchange for unfettered access to the African Union, which is based in Addis Ababa. Others turn a blind eye to the government’s routine human rights abuses because of its relatively good record on delivering socioeconomic development — although that record has been called into question by the sheer volume of protest action over the past few years.

In this climate, building an accurate picture of the unrest — and getting any of the usual suspects in the international community to raise the alarm — becomes nearly impossible.

There were plenty of clues, however, that not all was right. The odd massacre made international headlines — such as the dozens, perhaps hundreds, mowed down by security forces at an Oromo religious festival in October 2016. Reports of co-ordinated protests across the restive Oromia and Amhara regions suggested that resistance to the regime ran far deeper and was much better co-ordinated than the government was willing to admit.

Now, the political crisis has exploded into the open, with the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn — always little more than temporary successor to Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012 — and the imposition of Ethiopia’s second state of emergency in under two years.

This new state of emergency, valid for six months pending parliamentary approval, will give sweeping powers of search and arrest to the security forces and restrict freedom of movement, protest and association. It gives licence for another crackdown on all forms of political opposition.

In this context, it is clear that recent political reform, including the release of hundreds of political prisoners, was not a symptom of more progressive policies but the desperate act of a government increasingly fearful for its very survival.

But the rapturous reception received by the freed opposition leaders, especially the Oromo Federalist Congress’s Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba, seems to have convinced the hardliners in the country’s ruling coalition to remove the velvet glove and revert to the iron fist, which has served the regime so well for so long.

Now the country waits to see who will replace Desalegn. In another bid to placate protesters, it is almost certain to be someone from the Oromo region, either Lemma Megersa or Abiy Ahmed — both senior officials in the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation, one of the four ethnically based parties that make up the ruling coalition. The Oromos are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group but have been long marginalised both economically and politically.

Somehow, the new prime minister will have to find a way to balance the demands of the protesters, who will expect immediate, demonstrable change, with the needs of the powerful securocrats in the ruling coalition who are manoeuvring for their own political futures, especially senior figures in the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, who have long monopolised power and are not anxious to share.

“Whoever ascends to the top post will have much to prove but they should begin by following the advice of the United States embassy in Addis Ababa, which warned recently that the answer to growing unrest is ‘greater freedom, not less’,” wrote Mohammed Ademo, founder and editor of OPride.com, for African Arguments. “Indeed, Ethiopia sorely needs national reconciliation and an all-inclusive dialogue, and the next leader must act swiftly to make good on pledges of widening the democratic space.”

The alternative is too frightening to contemplate.

“[The ruling coalition] is at a historic crossroads and the options are clear. It can choose to genuinely reform or it can implode under the weight of a bitter power struggle and popular discontent,” said Ademo.

#OromoRevolution

Canadians call for return of relative held in Ethiopia

Family and rights group demand release of a Canadian citizen imprisoned in Ethiopia for alleged 'terrorist crimes'.

A Canadian family is calling on Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to negotiate the release of a citizen imprisoned in Ethiopia saying "there will never be a better time than now to get him home".

Canadian Bashir Makhtal, 49, has been imprisoned in Ethiopia since January 2007 on charges of "terrorism".

Authorities in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital, accuse Makhtal of being a ringleader for the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) - a rebel group pressing for self-rule in Ethiopia's eastern Ogaden region - and he was sentenced to life in prison.

Ethiopia classifies the ONLF as a "terrorist" organisation.

The United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union, however, do not.

Makhtal, whose grandfather was a founding member of the ONLF, has always declared himself innocent, saying he was in the region to promote his clothing business.

Now, more than a decade on, the Ethiopian government's recent release of thousands of political prisoners and peace talks with the ONLF have given Makhtal's family further impetus in campaigning for his release.

'There is hope'

Asiso Abdi, Makhtal's wife, told Al Jazeera that Ethiopian authorities could be persuaded to include Bashir among those freed, if Canada applies adequate diplomatic pressure.

"If the government of Justin Trudeau is willing to get Bashir home, there will never be a better time than now," Abdi said. "When there is a life, there is a hope."

Canadian officials say they are exploring every possible option to bring Makhtal back to Canada.

Omar Alghabra, parliamentary secretary to Canada's minister of foreign affairs, met Makhtal during a diplomatic visit to Ethiopia in April 2017.

Negotiating Makhtal's release is a priority for the Canadian government, he told Al Jazeera.

"Our objective is to see this happen as soon as we can... At every opportunity, the discussion with Ethiopian officials regarding Mr Makhtal happens," Alghabra said.

"[But] these conversations are not easy... The Ethiopian government see him as someone who has been convicted and is serving a sentence."

Despite mounting diplomatic pressure, Ethiopian officials continue to deny Makhtal is a political prisoner and block his release from jail.

Metasebia Tadesse, Ethiopia's ambassador to Qatar, told Al Jazeera recent prisoner releases were specifically intended to "create a broader political space within the country", and will not affect Makhtal's status.

"Bashir Makhtal is not an Ethiopian, he is imprisoned due to the terrorist crimes he committed," Tadesse said. "One cannot mix his case with the current measures taken by the Ethiopian government."

When questioned, Tadesse refused to provide Al Jazeera with further details regarding the nature of the "terrorist crimes".

'An unfair trial'

Rights group Amnesty International said Makhtal has been held unfairly.

"Once charges were laid against Makhtal we pressed for him to be provided with a fair trial and an opportunity to mount an effective defence, such as by having full access to allegations, evidence and witnesses against him," Alex Neve, secretary-general of Amnesty International in Canada, told Al Jazeera.

"That was not the case, nor was his appeal hearing a fair process," Neve said.

Lorne Waldman, Makhtal's Canada-based lawyer, told Al Jazeera that Ethiopia had subjected his client to a number of extrajudicial measures: including an illegal extradition and torture.

"Bashir's version of events has been the same since the beginning, that he was in Somalia doing business ... [and] when there was the [Ethiopian] military incursion into Somalia he, like thousands of others, fled to the Kenyan border," Waldman said.

"He was detained at the border and taken into custody in Nairobi, and from Nairobi he was illegally spirited on a private plane to Ethiopia without any formal extradition proceedings," he added.

"Then he was tortured and charged under the anti-terrorism provisions in Ethiopia, before being prosecuted in what people generally felt was an unfair trial, convicted and sentenced to life in prison."

Extraordinary rendition

Amnesty said Makhtal's transfer to Ethiopia was "tantamount to an instance of extraordinary rendition", adding it was "very likely" he had been subjected to torture or other forms of cruel treatment in Ethiopia.

The prevalence of torture in Ethiopia - described as a "major problem" in Human Rights Watch's 2018 report - and Makhtal being held incommunicado at the beginning of his detention support Amnesty's concerns regarding mistreatment, Neve said.

Authorities in Ethiopia did not acknowledge they had imprisoned Makhtal until July 2007, six months after his arrival in Addis Ababa, his relatives told Al Jazeera.

Nearly 11 years later, Makhtal's family still has little clarity about whether Ethiopia will release him. 

Some 12,000km away from his prison cell in Ethiopia, Makhtal's absence in Canada continues to be felt every day, Abdi told Al Jazeera.

"They took my husband and with him my future happiness," she said.

"I have already missed 11 wedding anniversaries with him, 11 years of my life have gone. I'm missing a half of me deep inside the dark cell of an Ethiopian prison."

TALK TO AL JAZEERA

Abdirahman Mahdi of ONLF: 'Ethiopia is boiling'

Ethiopia reveals details of 6-month state of emergency

State television says government has shed more light on six-month state of emergency order issued last Friday.

Ethiopia has released new details about the six-month state of emergency ordered last week amid mass anti-government protests, according to state media reports.

Siraj Fegessa, minister of defence and head of the command post charged with implementing the state of emergency order, announced the details on Wednesday, state broadcasters FANA Television and EBC said.

Fegessa unveiled the order last Friday, a day after Hailemariam Desalegn abruptly resigned as prime minister and head of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition.

"The government has previously made several efforts to curtail violence, but lives have continued to be lost, many have been displaced and economic infrastructure has been damaged," Fegessa said, as quoted by Reuters news agency.

But at the time, few details were released about how the state of emergency - the second in Ethiopia since 2016 - would function.

The order comes amid widespread anti-government protests calling for more political inclusion, the release of political prisoners and an end to human rights abuses.

According to FANA TV, the state of emergency prohibits:

• Violating Ethiopia's constitution or "constitutional order"
• Supporting or having links to "terrorist" organisations
• Holding unauthorised demonstrations and meetings
• Promoting a political agenda
• Issuing statements on security issues without Command Post permission
• Obstructing public transportation services
• Attacking infrastructure or development institutions
• Blocking the work of law enforcement officials
• Having firearms in a public area
• Hampering the functioning of schools
• Striking at sports fields
• Impeding cultural, public and religious festivals

It also includes prohibitions on poorly defined activities, such as any action that may "erode tolerance and unity", or "affect the peace and wellbeing" of people in Ethiopia.

The order bars anyone from carrying weapons in "unauthorised regions", but those regions are not specified, FANA reported.

Earlier, the broadcaster said the state of emergency would also give law enforcement officers the power to detain anyone suspected of violating "the constitutional order".

They would also have the ability to search houses, cars and individuals, all without a court warrant.

The government is expected to deliver the state of emergency decree to parliament for ratification within 15 days from last Friday.

INSIDE STORY

What triggered unrest in Ethiopia?

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS