CHANGE OF DATES FOR THE STAY-AT-HOME PROTEST
=================
It was to be recalled that a nation-wide call for a two day stay-at-home protest was made for 21-22 August, 2017.
However, it has become necessary to change the date from 21-22 August to 23-27 August, going continuously non-stop.
The reasons for the change are:1) the fact that it falls on the holiday (of breaking fasts commonly known as "Filseta Tsom" among the adherents of the Orthodox Christian faith); and 2) the fact that more time is needed in order to prepare for a more effective protest.
Consequently, the stay-at-home protest shall be effective for five consecutive days starting from the 23rd of August through to the 27th of August 2017.
To the people of the faith who break their fast of the season, we wish them all a very happy and festive holiday. Our goal is to try to have our peoples' rights protected without offending any groups thereof.
Victory to our people!
(From Qeerroo of Ambo)."
Friday, August 18, 2017
#OromoProtests
#OromoProtests
ማስታወቂያ
*********
በቀጣዩ ሳምንት ሰኞ እና ማክሰኞ ማለትም ነሃሴ 15 እና 16 በመላው ኦሮሚያ ከቤት ያለመውጣት የተቃውሞ አድማ በቄሮዎች ተጠርቷል። አድማው በነጋዴው ላይ ከአቅም በላይ የተጣለው ግብር እንዲነሳ፤ መሪዎችን ጫምሮ የፖሊቲካ እስረኞች እንዲፈቱ እንዲሁም በምስራቅ ኦሮሚያ የሶማሌ ክልል ልዩ ፖሊስ በህዝቡ ላይ የሚያደርሰው ወረራ እንዲቆም ለመጠየቅ የታቀደ ነው። በዚህ አድማ ህዝቡ ከቤቱ ሳይወጣ በሰላም ተቃውሞውን ያሰማል። ሱቆች አይከፈቱም፤ የትራንስፖርት አገልግሎት አይኖርም፤ የመንግስትም ሆነ የግል ሰራተኞች ስራ አይገቡም። ስለሆነም ህዝቡ አስቀድሞ ለሁለት ቀናት ቤት ለመዋል የሚያስችለውን ዝግጅት ከወዲሁ እንዲያደርግ የየአካባቢው የቄሮ አስተባባሪዎች ጥሪ አድርገዋል። በተጠቀሱት ቀናት የጉዞ እቅድ ያላቹ ሁሉ እቅዳቹን ከወዲሁ እንድትከልሱና እንድታስተካክሉ አስተባባሪዎቹ መክረዋል።
ይህንን አድማ ጥሰው በሚንቀሳቀሱት ላይ ጥብቅ እርምጃ እንደሚወሰዱ የአድማው አስተባባሪ ቄሮዎች ቡድን አስጠንቅቋል።
Thursday, August 3, 2017
#OromoProtests
JUNE 29, 2017 / 2:04 AM / A MONTH AGO
Politics of Death: The map maker who finds the bodies in Ethiopia's land battle
LONDON (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - It was late 2015 when Endalk Chala began documenting deaths in his home country of Ethiopia, scouring Facebook, Twitter, and blogs to piece together who had died and where.
Chala comes from Ginchi, a town 72 km (45 miles) from Addis Ababa where protests began in November 2015, initially over a government plan to allocate large swathes of farmland to the capital city for urban development.
The plan would have displaced thousands of Oromo farmers, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia.
"There were reports that people were killed in the protests and no one was reporting about it. No one cared who these people are," Chala told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone.
"The information was all over the internet, not well organized. I just wanted to give perspective."
While the land re-allocation project was officially scrapped by authorities, protests and conflict reignited over the continued arrest and jailing of opposition demonstrators with full-scale protests over everything from Facebook to economics.
Several hundred protesters were killed in the 11 months to October 2016 when the government declared a state of emergency and shut down communications, including the internet.
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More than 50 people died at a single demonstration that month, after a stampede was triggered by police use of teargas to disperse anti-government protesters at a religious festival.
Witnesses also reported security forces firing live rounds into crowds of protesters at multiple locations.
A government report presented to parliament in April acknowledged a death toll 669 people - 33 of them security personnel - although activists believe it could be much higher.
For the government shutting off the internet for periods all but ended online contact across Ethiopia, leaving it to the Ethiopian diasporas to pull together the facts.
Diaspora's Database
Enter Chala, a PhD student in Oregon, the United States, who decided to log every death he could on an interactive map, inspired by a similar Palestinian project.
"I started to collect the information from the internet: Facebook, Twitter and blogs. And I started to contact the people who had put that information out," he said.
Once word spread that Chala was collating the deaths, Ethiopian friends and activists began to send details, including photographs of those injured and killed. They contacted Chala via social media and instant messaging applications like Viber.
Chala learned that Ethiopians in rural areas were driving miles to put evidence of the killings online, but he still feared there were information black holes.
In its report of 669 deaths presented to parliament, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission - which works for the government - blamed protesters for damaging land and property.
In the report, seen by the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the Commission said the disturbances had damaged public services, private property and government institutions. It also cited harm to investment and development infrastructure.
However the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, criticized the government for a lack of accountability and called for access to protest sites.
Neither the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission nor the Ethiopian government responded to requests for comment.
Facebook Leads to Jail
In a country where fear of reprisals is common place, it is easier for those living outside Ethiopia to speak out, said Felix Horne, Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.
"Any time victims of human rights abuses share information with outside groups, with journalists – either domestic or international - there's often repercussions, quite often from local security officials," he said.
Horne said Facebook was a key source of information in the early stages of the protests but this was quickly seized on by the government and security officials checked students' phones.
Last month, an opposition politician was sentenced to 6-1/2 years in prison because of comments he wrote on Facebook.
Horne, whose organization also attempted to document the deaths, agreed that numbers are important for accountability, but said a focus on the death toll alone can be dehumanizing.
"We've talked to so many people who were shot by security forces. Many of them children. Many of them students. The numbers sort of dehumanizes these individuals."
Cost of Free Thinking
Benta, a 29-year-old veterinarian and former government employee who took part in the protests, saw nine people shot.
Speaking to the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone from Kenya, his new home, he recalled how a soldier fired directly on a car in Aje town, West Arsi on Feb. 15 last year. Five people were shot, two died and three were wounded, he said.
Six months later, on Aug. 6, Benta was participating in another protest in Shashamane in the Oromia region, when he saw four people shot. He says he was detained and tortured for nearly two months and has now made a new life in Nairobi.
"If you're expressing your freedom, you'll be shot, and if you're asking for your rights, you'll be detained," he said.
Chala said bullet wounds were the most common injuries visible on the photos that flooded in to him from Ethiopia and the brutality he witnessed has stayed with him.
"It really hit me very hard," he said.
"People will forget. They'll bottleneck their emotions and grievances and the government will just extend and buy some time, and there will be another bubble sometime in the future. That's a vicious circle."
Reporting by Sally Hayden @sallyhayd, Editing by Lyndsay Griffiths and Belinda Goldsmith; Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women's rights, trafficking, property rights, climate change and resilience. Visit news.trust.org
Wednesday, August 2, 2017
#OSA2017#Notocensorship
#OSA2017 #Notocensorship
The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) is a scholarly association established with the goal of promoting “studies on and relevant to the Oromo people.” Like any such collective academic enterprise, it has its weaknesses and strengths. So it is right to denounce the association for its weaknesses but to criticize it for not indulging in censorship says a lot about the person hurling those insults than it says about the association.
As a scholarly association dedicated to “the study and documentation” of the history and culture of the Oromo people, a politically marginalized group of people that have been fighting to claim a seat at the epistemic table, its job is to provide platforms for scholars and researchers to present their research. You can disagree with the scholarly merit of particular claims or papers but to pronounce the death of ‘the association’ just because it offered its platform to individuals or views that you disagree with, with such grotesque hyperbole, shows just how intolerant your thin skin is. It is absurd to suggest that a scholarly association will cease to exist if it didn’t censor views unpalatable to some of us.
OSA is not a political organization. It is a scholarly association. Scholarly associations are there to promote academic inquiry and defend the freedom of thought and expression, not to engage in unbridled censorship. If you are calling for the death of this association in the name of the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom and justice, just remember that your struggle is not about dismantling oppression and oppressive structures. You are looking to install your own version of the oppressive structures we now have. #OSA2017. By Awol Kassim Allo
Saturday, July 15, 2017
#Oromo#Oromiya
አልጠግብ ባይ ሲተፋ ያድራል እንደሚባለው ወያኔ እስከዛሬ የዘረፈው አልበቃ ብሎት በነጋዴው ማህበረሰብ ላይ 10 እጥፍ የግብር ጭማሪ ለማድረግ እየሞከረ ነው። ይህ ጭማሪ ምንም አሳማኝ ምክንያት የለውም። ባለፈው አመት ሀገሪቷ በፖሊቲካ ቀውስ ስትታመስ እንደነበረች ሁሉም ያውቃል። ያ ቀውስ የንግድ እንስቃሴን ክፉኛ ጎድቷል። ተቃውሞው መንገዶችን እየዘጋ የንግድ እንክስቃሴን ያወከ ሲሆን፣ የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጁ የንግድ ቤቶች ሳይመሽ እንዲዘጉ በማድረግ እና ሁለገብ እንቅሳቅሴን በማስተጓጎል የነጋዴውን ገቢ ክፉኛ ጎድቷል። እናም የነጋዴው ገቢ በመቀነሱ ዘንድሮ ግብር ይቀንሳል ተብሎ ነበር የተጠበቀው። በብዙ እጥፍ ማሳደጉ ማንም ያልጠበቀው ምንም ኢኮኖሚያዊ አመከንዮ የሌለው ነው። እናም የነጋዴው ማህበረሰብ ይህን ምክንያታዊ ያል ሆነ ጭማሪ እምቢ የማለት ህጋዊ እና ሞራላዊ አውነት አለው። መንግስት በግድ አስከፍላለሁ ካለ ሌላውን ህብረተሰብ ያሳተፈ ከፍተኛ ተቃውሞ ይጠብቀዋል። በኦሮሚያ ተቃውሞዎች ከወዲሁ ጀምረዋል። በአምቦ፣ ጉደር እንዲሁም በምስራቅ ሀረርጌ ነጋዴዎች በቅዳሜ የገበያ ቀን ሱቆቻቸውን በመዝጋት እምቢተኝነታቸውን እየገልጹ ነው። እናም መንግስት ተብዬው ቆም ብሎ ሊያስብበት ይገባል። ዘንድሮ ነጋዴው ልክ ያአምናውን ያክል ግብር እንዲከፍል ይደረግ። የ 1% ጭማሪም ተቀባይነት የለውም።
Wednesday, July 12, 2017
#Oromo#for#Oromiya
Why Oromia won't give away Finfinne land to the Federal gov't of Ethiopia much like what Maryland & Virginia did in the United States of America
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1) The true geographic size of Oromia is larger than France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium & the Netherlands combined. On the other hand, the size of Finfinne/Addis Ababa city is just 0.08% of that of Oromia [by the most exaggerated estimate].
2) This means that it isn't that difficult, land resource wise, for Oromia to give this tiny piece of land (of Finfinne) to the federal gov't of Ethiopia freely [like Maryland & Virginia gave their own pieces of land to the federal gov't of the US on which DC is established]. But Oromia won't do this for a couple of reasons:
A) Historically, Finfinne marks the first spot of the Abyssinian military attack on the Oromo where the later did start losing [Remember what happened to the Abichu, Galan & Gulale Oromo since the time of Minilik's grand pa in the 1920s]. For this reason, the Oromo do regard Finfinne as a historical land in their territory where foreign invasion as supported by modern military weapon did happen to shift the balance of power in the region. Mark this one for historical reason :)
B) Today, the most hostile adversaries of Oromo struggle for just cause are concentrated in this city. The most vocal schools of denial vis-a-vis the Oromo JUST CAUSE and their politico-religious deans are all settled in the garrison town/city of Finfinne today [but next only to the diaspora-based neftegna sons & daughters associations]. These are out right racists who dismiss the Oromo mov't as "racism"--but in their own terms.
.
.
That's why the Oromoo Qeerroo ALWAYS chant "Finfinneen kan Oromooti!"
_
Cc: ሸነግ
Tuesday, June 20, 2017
#FreeDrMararaGuddina#FreeBekeleGarba
#StateOfEmergency/Africa/Ethiopia/Law & Order/Protests/Terrorism Charges
NEWS: ETHIOPIA PROSECUTORS ONCE AGAIN DISMISS DR. MERERA’S SECOND OBJECTION, COURT TO GIVE ITS VERDICT
addisstandard / June 20, 2017/ 4.7k
Mahlet Fasil
Addis Abeba, June 20/ 2017 – Federal prosecutors have today submitted their objections against the statement from Dr. Merera Gudina. Last month, Dr. Merera’ lawyers have submitted a letter requesting for the criminal charges against him to be separated from the terrorism charges against the two foreign based media organizations OMN and ESAT, in the same file. Today, the court received the written objection from the prosecutors and adjourned the next hearing to give its verdict to July 07.
Dr. Merera, Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has objected to the charges stating, among others, the multiple criminal charges he is facing as having nothing to do with the terrorism charges brought against OMN and ESAT, which are co-defendants in the same file.
In their response today, prosecutors have asked the court to dismiss Dr. Merera’s objection on the grounds that he has failed to include his objection along with his preliminary Objection. Prosecutors have also made a case that the charges against all defendants in the same file, including Jawar Mohammed, executive director of OMN, and Dr. Berhanu Nega, leader the Patriotic G7, a rebel group already listed as a terrorist organization, are interrelated in many ways.
Dr. Merera’s initial preliminary objection included for the charges against him to be dismissed all together or his right to a bail to be upheld. The court dismissed both and upheld prosecutors’ request. However, on June 02, the defense team of Dr. Merera submitted another objection stating the criminal charges against Dr. Merera to be separated from the terrorism charges against OMN and ESAT, listed as co-defendants in a file under his name.
Dr. Merera is facing multiple criminal charges that include an attempt to violently overthrow the constitutional order. Except for Dr. Merera, the case against all defendants is being seen in absentia.
***
In a related news, during the last hearing on June 2nd, the judges have told federal Prosecutors that the terrorism charges against OMN and ESAT lacked critical details such as the legal status of the organizations, timeline of their establishments and countries they were operating from. Today, prosecutors have submitted an improved version of the charges against the two media organizations.
However, this morning the court has declined to give copies of the improved charges to lawyers representing Dr. Merera Gudina stating that they were not representing the media organizations. The court also adjourned to give its response to the improved charges on the same date on July 07. AS
Monday, May 29, 2017
#OromoProtests
Friday, May 19, 2017
#Oromoprotests
Ethiopia must respect rights, open democratic space – 14 US Senators
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with US SENATE 8 hours ago
Fourteen members of the United States Senate have through a bipartisan resolution jointly called for the Ethiopia government to respect the rights of opponents and to end all forms of political persecution.
Senators Ben Cardin (Democrat, Maryland) and Marco Rubio (Republican, Florida) were the main sponsors of the bill. They also called for a credible accounting of the excesses of the security forces during massive anti-government protests that hit the country for the better part of last year.
Ethiopia is currently under a state of emergency that was imposed in October 2016 to curb the wave of protests. It was extended in April despite the government saying that peace had returned.
The fact that we have partnered with the Ethiopian government on counter-terrorism does not mean that we will stay silent when it abuses its own people.
The United Nations and the European Union requested independent investigations into the protest deaths but Addis Ababa flatly refused saying it was capable of such a probe. The country’s rights body recently released a report that said over 660 people died during the protests.
It is not the first time that US top officials are impressing on the Ethiopian authorities to open up the democratic space. The main ethnic groups of Amhara and Oromo continually protest marginalization in the political space is dominated by the minority Tigray ethnic group.
The Senators while admitting that the US partners with Ethiopia especially in the area of counter-terrorism, insisted that that was not enough grounds for rights to be abused and for democratic space to continue to shrink as is currently the case.
What Senator Cardin said:
“The Ethiopian government must make progress on respecting human rights and democratic freedoms. I am deeply troubled by the arrest and ongoing detention of a number of prominent opposition political figures.
‘‘The fact that we have partnered with the Ethiopian government on counter-terrorism does not mean that we will stay silent when it abuses its own people,” said Senator Cardin, ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
What Senator Rubio said:
“On the contrary, our partnership means that we must speak out when innocent people are detained, and laws are used to stifle legitimate political dissent.”
“As the Ethiopian government continues to stall on making progress on human rights and democratic reform, it is critical that the United States remains vocal in condemning Ethiopia’s human rights abuses against its own people,” said Senator Rubio, chairman of the Foreign Relations subcommittee on human rights and civilian security.
“I will continue to work with my colleagues in the Senate to urge the Ethiopian government to respect the rule of law and prioritize human rights and political reforms,” he added.
14 cosponsors of the resolution
The other colleagues who joined them as original cosponsors included: Senators Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), John Cornyn (R-Texas), Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), Chris Coons (D-Del.),
The remaining were: Cory Gardner (R-Colo.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), Al Franken (D-Minn.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.)
More AboutETHIOPIAPROTESTS IN ETHIOPIASENATOR
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Demonstrators chant slogans while flashing the Oromo protest gesture during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia, October 2, 2016.
© 2016 Reuters
Today, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for a United Nations-led independent investigation into the killing of protesters in Ethiopia. Between November 2015 and October 2016, Ethiopian security forces killed hundreds of protesters, and detained tens of thousands. An overly restrictive state of emergency has been in place for the past seven months, and tens of thousands more people have been detained under it. Today’s resolution echoes a previous European Union parliamentary resolution, resolutions by other countries, and last month’s request by the UN’s top human rights chief for access to investigate the abuses.
Ethiopia’s government has always rejected outside scrutiny of its horrific rights record, insisting that it can investigate itself. Yet it has conspicuously failed to do so. Past investigations by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) have not met basic standards of impartiality, including its June 2016 report into abuses during the protests’ first six months. In April 2017, the EHRC acknowledged that 669 people were killed in an oral report to parliament, but found that security forces had used excessive force in just a few situations. This stands in stark contrast to what Human Rights Watch and other organizations have found, drawing on evidence that includes a wealth of video and photographic material. The EHRC hasn’t publicly released a version of their findings, so it’s impossible to assess their methodology or learn how they reached their conclusions.
International experts having access to areas where protests occurred and to people still in detention are important first steps towards meaningful investigations. But there are other obstacles too, like victims and witnesses being too afraid to speak out about government abuses. Thousands of Ethiopians have fled the country since the protests, seeking asylum in bordering countries. They too should be part of investigations into what happened, from locations where they may be more free to speak without fear.
Today’s resolution specifically calls on Federica Mogherini, the EU’s top diplomat, to “mobilise EU Member States” to urgently pursue the setting up of the UN-led international inquiry, and they can take the first step towards this at the upcoming Human Rights Council session next month in Geneva.
It’s hoped that implementing today’s timely resolution can help address the pervasive culture of impunity in Ethiopia. The resolution also reiterates the EU’s recognition of the importance of justice to ensure Ethiopia’s long-term stability. To the many victims of Ethiopia’s brutality, a UN-led inquiry could at least begin to answer pleas for justice that too often have gone unheard.
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April 21, 2017 Commentary
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Tuesday, May 16, 2017
No Justice in Ethiopia
Africa/Ethiopia/Law & Order/Protests/Terrorism Charges
BREAKING NEWS: ETHIOPIA COURT FOUND FORMER SENIOR OPPOSITION FIGURE YONATAN TESFAYE GUILTY OF TERRORISM CHARGES
addisstandard / May 16, 2017/ 4.8k
Mahlet Fasil
Addis Abeba, May 16, 2017 – The Federal High court fourth criminal bench has today passed a guilty verdict against Yonatan Tesfaye, former opposition Blue Party public relations head.
Yonatan was first arrested in December 2015, barely a month after the first wave of a year-long #Oromoprotests erupted. He was held incommunicado during the pre-trial weeks and was subsequently charged in May 2016 under Ethiopia’s infamous anti-terrorism proclamation (ATP).
Yonatan has been defending the charges against him since then. The charges of ‘encouragement of terrorism’, stipulated under article six of the ATP, were largely drawn from his Facebook activism during the protests. According to article six of the ATP, “Whosoever publishes or causes the publication of a statement that is likely to be understood by some or all of the members of the public to whom it is published as a direct or indirect encouragement or other inducements to them to the commission or preparation or instigation of an act of terrorism…” is subject to terrorism charges.
He had presented several defense witnesses, including prominent opposition party leaders from the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Bekele Gerba and Dr. Merera Gudina, who are in jail at the time of their testimony fighting charges of terrorism and multiple criminal charges respectively, and journalistEskendir Nega, who is serving 18 years in prison for terrorism-related charges.
In addition, Yonatan’s close friend Ephrem Tayachew, his father Tesfaye Regassa, and his sister Gedamnesh Tesfaye as well as academicians from the Addis Abeba University (AAU), including the outspoken philosopher Dr. Dagnachew Assefa and Dr. Yaqob Hailemariam have all appeared in court to testify in defense of Yonatan’s innocence.
However, this morning the court in its verdict overruled all defense testimonials by upholding prosecutors’ accusations. Yonatan’s sentencing is adjourned to May 25.
Yonatan could face from ten to 20 years rigorous prison term in a federal prison; however, the court ruled that he can appeal for a minimum sentence.
***According to new information Addis Standard received, after the sentencing is handed over, Yonatan’s defense team, led by his lawyer Shibiru Belete, is planning to object to the verdict and appeal for the charges to be reduced to criminal charges.
Cover Photo: Yonatan Tesfaye
Photo credit: His Facebook
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At last, federal high court begins hearing of defense witness testimonials on Yonatan Tesfaye’s terrorism chargesJanuary 5, 2017In "Africa"
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News - Ethiopia court sentences university students to various terms in jailNovember 18, 2016In "Addis Abeba Integrated Master Plan"
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Uneasy peace and simmering Conflict. The Ethiopian town where there flagg fly
Uneasy peace and simmering conflict: the Ethiopian town where three flags fly
Fresh tension in a disputed area has reopened old wounds between the Oromia and Somali states, as ethnic federalism fails to contain violence
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Tom Gardner in Moyale
Tuesday 16 May 2017 16.00 AESTLast modified on Tuesday 16 May 2017 19.44 AEST
Three different flags flutter in the breeze along the road that runs through Moyale in southern Ethiopia. The first is green, yellow and red: the colours of the Ethiopian federal state. Then, on the side of the road: red, black and white, with a tree in the centre, the colours of the Oromo. And a third: the green, white and red, with a camel in one corner, of Somali state.
Moyale, deep in Ethiopia’s dusty south-eastern drylands and straddling the border with Kenya, is split sharply down the middle. The fresh tarmac of the road that divides it marks the long-contested frontier between Oromia and Somali regional states.
Analysis How long can Ethiopia's state of emergency keep the lid on anger?
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These flags fly side-by-side in Moyale as a testament to the success of Ethiopia’s distinct model of ethnically based federalism, established in 1994.
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But it is also a measure of its failings: Moyale has two separate administrations; segregated schools; parallel court systems; rivalrous police forces, and adversarial local militia. More than 20 years after ethnic federalism was introduced, tensions between the two sides – Borana Oromo and Garri Somalis – are as fraught as ever.
“There is a serious problem emerging,” said Ibrahim, an elderly Somali man in the courtyard of a hotel on the Oromo side of the road. As a clan elder, he has freedom to sit in places that younger Garri men would avoid, he said. Ill feeling between the two communities stretches back decades, but recent events have reopened old wounds.
A clash between two armed groups near Moyale in April resulted in tit-for-tat killings, with at least one Garri and one Borana reported dead (both groups claim more), and injuries on either side. Locals reported similar deadly flare-ups early this year.
Yet violence in Moyale has remained fairly contained, in part due to the town’s bloody recent past. In 2012, fighting over land between the pastoralists in the surrounding area led to 18 deaths and forced tens of thousands of Moyale’s residents to flee across the border into Kenya.
Memory of this has helped to maintain the peace since, and a community accord struck between clan elders has kept the younger generation in check. But with the latest outbreak of what he calls “revenge killings”, Ibrahim said he was worried that the accord could be broken.
Ethnic tensions here are part of a wider confrontation that stretches all along the border from Moyale in the south to Dire Dawa, some 1,000km (620 miles) north. Ethiopia’s government, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), imposed a state-of-emergency in October following widespread protests against the regime in Addis Ababa, the capital, which resulted in at least 669 deaths.
Members of the Oromo community gather in Bishoftu, Oromia, in October 2016, as a series of protests erupted in the capital, Addis Ababa. Photograph: Zacharias Abubeker/AFP/Getty Images
But while stability returned to the rest of the country in the following months, the Somali-Oromo regional border saw an outburst of violence on a scale that many said was unprecedented. According to residents in Oromo districts along there, violent incursions by Somali militia began in December and continued sporadically over the next three months. Human Rights Watch, which received reports of dozens of casualties, said these clashes were of a different order to the pastoralist struggles over water points and farmland that have long afflicted the region in times of drought.
Instead, the clashes involved heavily armed men on both sides in locations all along the border. Schools were looted and civil servants shot in their offices, said Fekadu Adugna, an academic at Addis Ababa University, who specialises in Oromo-Somali relations.
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Residents on the Oromo side also reported widespread rapes and said they had found ID cards belonging to members of the controversial Somali special police, know as the “Liyu”, among the remains of the dead. The worst of the violence took place in the area around Negele, another frontier town about 500km from Moyale.
There has been no official investigation into the events and there are no exact figures for the numbers killed. According to Ibrahim Adam, a conflict-resolution field officer for Igad, an east African regional bloc, more than 100 people died and thousands were displaced in February and March in the Negele area alone. Oromo activists have claimed much higher numbers.
Few now dare take the road from Moyale to Negele, which runs through both Garri and Borona districts. Residents of Moyale claim that young men at roadblocks have been threatening travellers from a different ethnic group.
An indication of the scale of the conflict came in March when the prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, referred to it in a speech to parliament. For the first time, it was framed not as a dispute over resources but as a battle between two regional militias and police forces. “The problems have no relation to ethnic conflicts,” Desalegn said. “It is our lower political leadership that commands these actions.”
This surprisingly candid explanation tallies with those given by Moyale residents, who see the conflict as one waged by local officials with expansionist agendas. Both regional governments have claimed contested territories in the past couple of years. “This is no longer just between two communities but between two governments,” said Fugicha, a Borana. “It serves their interests.”
Camel herders collect water for their animals at one of the few watering holes left in the drought-affected region near Moyale on the Ethiopian border. Photograph: Ben Curtis/AP
Last month, the federal government stepped in to administer a peace agreement between the two sides. It promises to enforce the border that was demarcated following a referendum in 2004, and settle the status of Moyale, which was excluded from that referendum because its ethnic politics were deemed too complex.
Moyale’s Oromo, in particular, have expressed concern about the outcome of the peace agreement. Rumours of a second referendum, and Somali encroachment in a town regarded as historically Oromo, were behind last month’s revenge killings, they said.
Somalis, on the other hand, have pointed to the assertiveness of the new Oromo regional government that came to power in the wake of last year’s protests. It recently issued an extensive list of claims on Addis Ababa, which activists regard as rightfully Oromo too. “The Oromo have never accepted the division of Moyale,” said Ibrahim, the clan elder.
Both sides are pessimistic. One widespread theory is that the federal government’s failure to step in early to end the violence was politically motivated. “People here think the TPLF [the Tigrayan ethnically based political party] initiated this to weaken Oromo resistance to the central government,” said Fugicha. Others have suggested that flashes of ethnic violence suit a regime that defends its heavy-handedness as necessary to prevent the country unravelling.
Whatever the truth, the wider problem is more intractable. Ethiopia’s ethnic-federal model has helped ensure the recognition of minority groups – and kept the peace, many say – but it has also aggravated regional tensions by binding once-fluid ethnic identity to administrative control over territory.
“Federalism brought this problem,” said Adam, the Igad officer. “People now think no one else can live in their area.”
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Saturday, April 1, 2017
#OromoProtests
NewsEthiopia
Ethiopia extends state of emergency by four months
Opposition parties complain that the emergency is being used to clamp down on their members and activities.
The widely expected extension comes amid reports of continued violence and anti-government activities in some rural areas.
At least 500 people were killed by security forces during the year of protests, according to New York-based Human Rights Watch group - a figure the government later echoed.
"We still have some anti-peace elements that are active and want to capitalise on disputes that arise among regional states in the country," Ethiopia's defence minister, Siraj Fegessa, told MPs when he called on them to approve the extension on Thursday.
"In addition, some leaders of the violent acts that we witnessed before are still at large and are disseminating wrong information to incite violence."
Opposition parties complain that the emergency powers are being used to clamp down on their members and activities, especially in rural regions far from the capital, Addis Ababa.
The state of emergency, declared on October 9, was a reaction to protests that were especially persistent in the Oromia region. Many members of the Oromo ethnic group say they are marginalised and that they do not have access to political power, something the government denies.
A wave of anger was triggered by a development scheme for Addis Ababa, which would have seen its boundaries extended into Oromia. Demonstrators saw it as a land grab that would force farmers off their land.
The protests soon spread to the Amhara region in the north, where locals argued that decades-old federal boundaries had cut off many ethnic Amharas from the region.
Crushed to death
Map of Oromia region in Ethiopia [Al Jazeera] |
The country’s ruling coalition, which has been in power for a quarter of a century, is controlled primarily by the Tigray ethnic group, who make up six percent of the population.
Tensions reached an all-time high after a stampede in which at least 52 people were crushed to death fleeing security forces at a protest that grew out of a religious festival in the town of Bishoftu on October 2nd.
In the following days, rioters torched several mostly foreign-owned factories and other buildings that they claimed were built on seized land.
The government, though, blamed rebel groups and foreign-based dissidents for stoking the violence.
The state of emergency initially included curfews, social media blocks, restrictions on opposition party activity and a ban on diplomats traveling more than 40 kilometres outside the capital without approval.
Authorities arrested over 11,000 people during its first month.
Some provisions of the state of emergency were relaxed on March 15th, two weeks prior to Thursday’s announced extension. Arrests and searches without court orders were stopped, and restrictions on radio, television and theatre were dropped.
Protesters run from tear gas being fired by police during Irreecha, the religious festival in Bishoftu where at least 52 people died [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters] |