Tuesday, June 9, 2020

#Ethiopia#AbiyMustGo

Ethiopia: Abiy rejects transitional govt to solve election impasse

Robbie CY-BOULET
,ORE

#AbiyMustGo

Waggaa 4 duras ajjeechaa unnatarraa geessisaa turtantu walitti nu buusaa ture. Har’as sanuma. Gaafasis dhugaa saba keenya mootummaan ajjeefamaafi hidhamaa tureef dubbannee maqaa nu balleessuuf duulaa turtan. Ammas sanuma. Isin Ummata fixuutti deebinaan nus saaxilutti deebine.



#AbiyMustGo

The Oromia Liyu Police has killed another young man named Sadik Haji Ibro in Dinsho, Bale Zone last night. Extrajudicial killings have become daily occurrence in the region. People are from the rural areas are descending on the town in protest.


Monday, June 8, 2020

#Ethiopia

በ Oromoo ደም የሚበቅለውን እህል የሚበላና ፥ "ንጹሕ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ" ባይ ጭምብላም ፤ የ Oromoo ቆዳው እስኪገረፍ መደብደብ ፥ የ Oromoo አካሉ መጉደል ፥ የ Oromoo መገደል ፤ ለስንትና ስንቱ... የልቡ ደስታ እንደሆነ ቤቱ ይቁረው! 🙄

#AbiyMustGo

‪Adding a face to one of the names in Amnesty International’s latest report [CONTINUED]
‪Yet again, we hereby add a face to one among the names of the victims of EDF’s cold blood killings (Mr Aga Uddessa), whose ‘story’ has been captured in Amnesty International’s latest report entitled “‬Beyond law enforcement: Human rights violations by Ethiopian security forces in Amhara and Oromia”.
Mr Aga was a resident of East Guji zone, Goro Dola district, Haraqalo town. As has also been indicated in Amnesty International’s report, Mr Aga was not a member of any political group. He was a private citizen earning his daily living by renting out a motorbike in the town.
As has been documented in the said report by Amnesty International, he was shot by EDF’s soldiers while riding his motorbike. After killing Mr Aga Uddessa, EDF’s soldiers then torched to burn down his motorbike (pic attached).
Pictures: Courtesy of
Miessa Denbi Dade

#Ethiopia

Äthiopien: Einstieg in eine Diktatur?

Verschiebung der Wahlen in Äthiopien, Abbau der Demokratie
Angetreten ist Präsident Abiy Ahmed mit dem Versprechen Äthiopien zu demokratisieren. Kurz nach dem Amtsantritt im April 2018 (Aufbruch in den Neoliberalismus mit dem neuen Premierminister Abiy Ahmed?) hat er noch Folgendes gesagt: "Achtzig Leute der Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) haben mich zum Ministerpräsidenten gemacht, obwohl es 100 Millionen Äthiopier gibt." Die Wahlen 2020 sollen aber frei und fair sein, hat er versprochen.

Mit der Begründung Covid-19 (bisher insgesamt 12 Todesfälle) wurden die geplanten Wahlen in einem ersten Schritt auf den 29. August verschoben. Das ist vielleicht noch verständlich angesichts der Ausnahmesituation im Hinblick auf die Pandemie. Nun aber ist auch dieser Termin abgesagt und auf unbestimmte Zeit in die Zukunft verschoben.


Nach neuesten Meldungen soll die Wahl nicht vor dem April 2021 stattfinden. Wann genau bleibt ungewiss. Es ist zu befürchten, dass diese Verschiebung nur der Anfang ist. Präsident Abiy Ahmed und seine Unterstützer könnten so ihre Herrschaft ohne demokratische Legitimation auf Dauer zementieren und damit Äthiopien in eine Diktatur verwandeln. Das erinnert an den eritreischen Präsidenten, der seit der Unabhängigkeit Eritreas (1993) zwar freie Wahlen versprochen und anfangs noch verschoben hat, aber bis heute (27 Jahre später) warten die Eritreer immer noch auf freie Wahlen.
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Angesichts der Erwartungen, die Präsident Abiy Ahmed noch zu Zeiten seines Amtsantritts geweckt hat, steht diese Entwicklung in eklatantem Widerspruch zu seinen Verlautbarungen in der jüngsten Vergangenheit.
Zurzeit gibt es eine Debatte wie sich die erneute Verschiebung der Wahl mit der äthiopischen Verfassung vereinbaren lässt: Parlamentsauflösung, Notstandsregierung, Verfassungsänderung oder eine neue Interpretation der Verfassung. Abiy Ahmed konsultierte Oppositionsgruppen, bezeichnete die Gespräche als "fruchtbar". Insbesondere von Seiten der Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) und von dem Führer der Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) kamen allerdings Kritik und Einwände.
Mittlerweile sind alle involvierten Institutionen in der Hand oder unter Einfluss der regierenden Prosperity Party (PP) von Abiy Ahmed. Gewaltenteilung scheint kaum noch vorhanden, die Variante einer Verfassungsinterpretation im Sinne der Wohlstandspartei PP ist wohl favorisiert, und zudem sind Artikulationsmöglichkeiten der Zivilgesellschaft wie etwa Demonstrationen wegen Coronabeschränkungen nicht vorhanden. Es läuft wohl alles auf eine Machtzementierung der gegenwärtig Regierenden auf unbestimmte Zeit hinaus.
Ministerpräsident Abiy Ahmed. BildTwitter-Account des Ministerpräsidenten
Eine weitere kritische Dimension bekommt die Wahlverschiebung durch die Tatsache, dass aus den Wahlergebnissen auf Länderebene letztlich auch die Zentralregierung bestimmt wird. Es gibt nach der äthiopischen Verfassung keine gesonderte zusätzliche Wahl auf Bundesebene. Verschiebung der Wahlen heißt somit auch Verschiebung der Wahl auf Länderebene. Damit ist es auch den Länderregierungen nicht möglich, sich eine demokratische Legitimation ihrer Bevölkerung zu holen.
Sollten die Wahlen jetzt auf unbestimmte Zeit verhindert werden, läuft dies nicht nur auf eine Diktatur des Friedensnobelpreisträgers (2019) hinaus, es droht darüber hinaus die Gefahr der Entmachtung unliebsamer Regionalregierungen durch die Zentralmacht, wie dies bereits in der Somali-Region (Äthiopien) geschehen ist. Insbesondere die Regierung der Region Tigray ist Abiy Ahmed hier ein Dorn im Auge, zumal aufgrund des großen Rückhalts in der Bevölkerung zu erwarten ist, dass die TPLF bei freien Wahlen deutlich im Amt bestätigt würde (Machtkampf in Afrika).

Zentralregierung will die Provinz Tigray mit ihrer kritischen Landesregierung destabilisieren

Die Absetzung unliebsamer Länderregierungen durch die Zentralregierung ist vor dem Hintergrund der instabilen Lage in Äthiopien und zunehmender Unzufriedenheit mit der Regierung Abiy Ahmed ein durchaus realistisches Szenario.
Hauptfeind scheint hier für die gegenwärtige Regierung die Provinz Tigray und die dort regierende TPLF zu sein. Das zeigt sich nicht nur in propagandistischen Verlautbarungen gegen die TPLF, sondern auch in konkreten staatlichen Maßnahmen gegenüber Tigray in den letzten zwei Jahren:
So wurden wichtige und bereits begonnen Infrastrukturprojekte gestoppt. Dazu gehört z.B. die Eisenbahnstrecke von Djibouti über Weldya (Amhararegion) nach Mekelle (Tigrayregion), die nun in Weldya aufhört. Das Wasserkraftwerk in Tekeze kann seine Kapazitäten kaum noch auslasten, da wichtige Wartungsmaßnahmen sowie Zahlungen an den französischen Partner blockiert werden. Darüber hinaus hat es - anders als in den anderen Regionen - in Tigray nicht ein einziges staatliches Projekt mehr gegeben - kein Krankenhaus, keine Schule, keine Straße, kein Energieprojekt.
Jenseits von staatlichen Projekten und Maßnahmen werden auch Investitionen des Privatsektors verhindert und behindert. So wurde es einer chinesischen Investorengruppe nicht erlaubt, nach Tigray zu reisen. Der Regierung Tigray gegenüber wurde lediglich eine fadenscheinige Erklärung abgegeben.
Gleiches passierte einer türkischen Delegation, die 7 Billionen Birr südöstlich von Mekelle investieren wollten. Auch Investoren und Geschäftsleute aus der Tigrayregion selbst werden behindert und bedroht, wenn sie in Tigray investieren wollen oder darauf angewiesen sind, ihre Geschäfte von Addis Abeba aus zu organisieren.
Es scheint, als wollte die Zentralregierung alles tun, um die Region Tigray zu destabilisieren. Auch dies ist ein Hinweis, dass die Landesregierung in Tigray im Herbst möglicherweise entmachtet werden soll, um die Macht der Regierung Abiy zu festigen und den Störenfried Tigray endlich mundtot zu machen.
Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Landesregierung Tigray beschlossen, für ihre Region die Wahlen nicht ein weiteres Mal zu verschieben, sondern sich im August der Wahl zu stellen. Damit könnte sich die Landesregierung in einer sehr angespannten und kritischen Situation die Legitimation der Bevölkerung holen. Auch vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Coronasituation in Tigray scheint dies verantwortbar.
Gerade in einer Zeit der inneren Zerrissenheit und der Spannungen, der zunehmenden wirtschaftlichen Probleme sowie des Drucks von außen wäre eine unzweifelhaft demokratisch legitimierte Zentralregierung wichtig für die weitere Entwicklung und die Einheit Äthiopiens. Von gleich hoher Bedeutung sind demokratische legitimierte und von der Zentralregierung respektierte Regionalregierungen.

Die gegenwärtigen Entwicklungen dagegen geben einmal mehr Anlass zur Sorge, dass in Äthiopien alle Anstrengungen und Errungenschaften der vergangenen Jahrzehnte weiter aufs Spiel gesetzt werden. (Shuwa Kifle)

Tuesday, June 2, 2020

#Ethiopia

Hidhamtoota Siyaasaa Qajeelcha Poolisii Godina Gujii Aanaa Waadaraa ti Hidhaman
1 • Artist Caalaa korontoo
2• Ramadaan Haasanoo Galchuu
3 • Saadam Amaan
4• Damboobi Waaqoo
5 •Siidaa Waaqoo
6 •Biniyaam Xaahir Waaree (Beenjaamin Waadaraa)
7 •Hajjii Usuman
8 •Jeylaanii qabeessa
9 •Mohammed Isaaq
10 •Uturaa Isaaq
11 •Ramadaan Isaaq
12 •Acaaluu Toleeraa
13 •Boochaa Xaahaa
14 •Xuushuu Booreessa
15 •Haasan Kabbadaa
16 •Jamaal Kabbadaa
17 •Arabiyyuu Kabbadaa
18 •Haasan Duubee
19 •Mohammed Abdoo
20 •Kadir Galchuu Biila
21 •Quluu Baqalaa
22 •Musxafaa Xayyib
23 •Laggasaa Daani'el
24 •Kadir Galchuu
25 •Fullaasaa Husseen
26 •Mi'eessaa Elemaa
27 •Machaawaa Duubee
28 •Siraaj Mohammed
29 •Haassan Galchuu
30 •Jamaal Xayyib
31 •Mohammed Abdoo Adiyoo
32 •Abdallaa Usman
33 •Shaamballii Dheekkamaa
34 •Shaafii Qaasim
35 •Alamuu Mi'eessa
Dubartootaa
36 •Badiiroo Usman
37 •Maroo Usman
38 •Markaboo Haaj Mohammed
39 •Tamiimaa waacifa
40 •Abdiyaa Musxafaa
41 •Raadiyaa Waaqoo
Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromiyaa Siif
Biyya lafaa tana irratti Kan Nuuti ta'aa jirru Bineensi ta'a hin jiru .
Hunda dandeenyee Hanga ammatti Abdii Murannee Yoomiyyuu
Ni injifanna Ni moona Isin Waliin jirra Oromiyaa Ni bilisoomti
Mana dhiphaa keessati Dhiphanne ukkamamne
Jireenyi halkaniif Guyyaa Nutti hadhaayee
Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromiyaa nuuf birmadhaa
Isin Malee Homaa Hin qabnu sagalee nuuf ta'a

By Jawar Mohammed

Saturday, May 30, 2020

#Ethiopia

NEWS/AFRICA

Ethiopian security forces accused of grave human rights abuses

New Amnesty report documents extrajudicial executions, mass detentions during security operations in Amhara and Oromia.

by Mia Swart
10 hours ago

Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has won international praise for initiating broad domestic
A rights group has accused Ethiopian security forces of continuing to commit grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions and torture, since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018.

In its report on Friday, Amnesty International documented the arbitrary detentions of thousands of people and the forcible evictions of dozens of families from their homes, some of which were set alight, during security operations in response to attacks by armed groups and inter-communal violence in parts of the Amhara and Oromia regions.

The report covers the period between December 2018 and December 2019.


Abiy has introduced a series of sweeping reforms, including granting amnesty to thousands of political prisoners and repealing draconian laws, since coming to power in April 2018. The initiation of broad domestic changes - along with efforts to end hostilities with neighbouring Eritrea, a longtime foe - has won Abiy international praise and secured him the Nobel Peace Prize last year.

But Abiy's tenure has also been plagued by ethnic conflict, with hundreds of thousands of people being internally displaced amid a worsening security situation.

"The violations depicted in the report are telling of unfinished business of reform in Ethiopia including impunity for past human rights violations," Deprose Muchena, Amnesty's regional director for Southern Africa and East Africa, told Al Jazeera.

The Ethiopian government did not immediately respond to Amnesty's report. Al Jazeera contacted the Ethiopian Attorney General and Ministry of Peace for comment but did not receive a response at the time of publication. Amnesty also said government offices did not respond to its report.

Mass arrests, killings
Under Abiy's reformist drive, the government in 2018 lifted a ban on several political parties, some of which had been designated "terrorist" groups. The move paved the way for the leaders of the banned groups to return to the ethnically diverse country, and allowed the opposition parties to participate in long-awaited elections initially scheduled for August 2020 but now postponed due to the coronavirus pandemic.

Amnesty said the opening up of the political space has coincided with politicians stirring up ethnic and religious animosities in their efforts to mobilise support, sparking inter-communal violence and armed attacks in several of the country's regional states.

In response, the federal government set up security command posts to coordinate the operations of the military, police and local militia.

Amnesty's report (PDF) documents a series of alleged abuses in Oromia, where security forces are waging a campaign against the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). The group is the breakaway armed wing of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an opposition party that pursued military struggle before its return to Ethiopia to pursue a peaceful agenda in 2018.

Amnesty said it had collected evidence that at least 10,000 people suspected of supporting or working for the OLA were detained by security forces in rounds of mass detention that began in January 2019.

It also said it had found evidence that at least 39 people were extrajudicially executed amid rising tensions in Oromia's East Guji and West Guji zones. Other documented abuses included multiple cases of torture by security forces, with various people interviewed by Amnesty speaking of severe beatings by the security forces. In one case, a woman suffered a miscarriage shortly after she was beaten.


LISTENING POST | Between hope and fear: Press and politics in Ethiopia one year on (8:36)
In Amhara, Amnesty said "at least 130 people were killed in inter-communal conflict in which the security forces were complicit", either through active involvement or failure to protect the affected communities.

The group said regional police, militia and local vigilante groups carried out multiple attacks targeting ethnic Qemant, who seek greater autonomy, resulting in scores of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of people. "From 10-11 January 2019, the security forces and vigilante groups attacked a [Qemant] settlement in Metema with grenades and guns and set homes on fire. Fifty-eight people were killed within 24 hours as soldiers in a nearby camp failed to respond to cries for help," Amnesty said.

The deputy head of the Amhara Regional Peace and Security Bureau told the rights group the casualties could have been greater if the security forces had not been deployed and also rejected the complicity claim.

'Power struggle'
Agnes Callamard, the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings, said that while it is "very difficult" for countries to "effectively" police environments hit by inter-ethnic or inter-religious conflicts, as well as those experiencing independentist armed groups or movements, arbitrary killings "are feeding the cycle of violence".

"In my experience, national or local authorities rely on heavy-handed and violent security tactics in place of political engagement towards long-term reform to address historical grievances," Callamard told Al Jazeera.

In the case of Oromia, analysts believe the violence is largely attributed to the return of exiled opposition political parties following the opening up of the political space two years ago.

"When Abiy took power he criticised the authoritarian practices of the preceding government. But he has not been able to completely change the character of the regime just by making changes at the centre," William Davison, senior analyst for Ethiopia at International Crisis Group, told Al Jazeera.

He said the abuses are, to a large degree, a continuation of the violations seen under the previous governments.

"The expectation was that when the OLF returned to Ethiopia it would put down its weapons. Instead, a power struggle soon erupted between the OLF and the government, which led to continuing violence," he said.

According to Davison, there is "no immediate prospect of a peaceful resolution" to the situation in western Oromia as the government seems intent on eradicating the OLA. The fact that there have not yet been free and fair elections, as promised, and that polls have now been delayed beyond the government's term, complicates the situation, he added.

'Complex security context'
Daniel Bekele, the chief commissioner of Ethiopia's Human Rights Commission, told Al Jazeera that: "Amnesty's findings and ongoing reports of killings and arrests, particularly in the Oromia region should be taken very seriously."

He added, however, that "we should not lose sight of the complex security context in which armed groups are destabilising the area and the fight within these groups is taking a heavy toll on civilians".

In its report, Amnesty acknowledged that the government has taken "initial first steps ... towards improving the human rights environment in the country" but warned that "a persistence of old-style patterns of violence perpetrated by the security forces threatens to derail sustained long-term gain".

Fisseha Tekle, the right's group Ethiopia researcher, said there have been "many positive developments after the coming into power of Abiy, but at the same time the reported violations do not reflect well on the government".

Looking ahead, Amnesty said it was concerned the rights violations and abuses will escalate during the upcoming general election period.

It recommended that the Ethiopian government take measures to immediately order security forces to stop carrying out extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, forced evictions and destruction of property belonging to people suspected of supporting opposition political parties or armed groups.

Amnesty further called for an end to the culture of impunity in security forces by demobilising the units that were complicit in the violence and human rights violations.


SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

Human Rights
Africa
Ethiopia

Friday, May 29, 2020

#Ethiopian#Priminister#Must#Go

Ethiopia: Rape, extrajudicial executions, homes set alight in security operations in Amhara and Oromia

Ethiopian security forces committed horrendous human rights violations including burning homes to the ground, extrajudicial executions, rape, arbitrary arrests and detentions, sometimes of entire families, in response to attacks by armed groups and inter-communal violence in Amhara and Oromia, Amnesty International said today.
In a new report, Beyond law enforcement: human rights violations by Ethiopian security forces in Amhara and Oromia, Amnesty International documents how security forces committed grave violations between December 2018 and December 2019 despite reforms which led to the release of thousands of detainees, expansion of the civic and political space and repeal of draconian laws, such as the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, which were previously used to repress human rights.
The Ethiopian authorities have made notable progress in changing the country’s bleak human rights record. However, it is unacceptable that the security forces should be allowed to carry on committing human rights violations with impunity. 
Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa
“The Ethiopian authorities have made notable progress in changing the country’s bleak human rights record. However, it is unacceptable that the security forces should be allowed to carry on committing human rights violations with impunity,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa. 
“With elections on the horizon, these violations and abuses could escalate out of control unless the government takes urgent measures to ensure security forces act within the law and remain impartial in undertaking their duties.”
In 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government lifted a ban on opposition parties, some of which had been designated terrorist organisations and forced into exile, allowing them to take part in elections initially scheduled for August 2020 but postponed due to COVID-19.
With elections on the horizon, these violations and abuses could escalate out of control unless the government takes urgent measures to ensure security forces act within the law and remain impartial in undertaking their duties. 
Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa
In trying to mobilize support, politicians have however been stirring up ethnic and religious animosities, sparking inter-communal violence and armed attacks in five of the country’s nine regional states; Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz, Harari, Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR), and in the Dire Dawa administrative state.
In response, the government set up security Command Posts in 2018 to coordinate the operations of the Ethiopian Defense Forces (EDF), federal police, regular and special (Liyu) police units in regions, and local administration security officers called kebele militia.  
Complicity in the killings
Tensions have been high in Amhara after the Qimant, a minority group, voted for their own autonomous administrative unit in September 2017, resulting in clashes between the Amhara and Qimant communities. Amnesty International’s report reveals that the Liyu police, local administration militia and two Amhara youth vigilante groups joined forces to attack members of the Qimant community in January 2019, and again in September-October 2019, leaving at least 100 people dead and hundreds displaced. Qimant homes and property were also destroyed.
From 10-11 January 2019, the security forces and vigilante groups attacked a Qimant settlement in Metema with grenades and guns and set homes on fire. Fifty-eight people were killed within 24 hours as soldiers in a nearby camp failed to respond to cries for help. Flyers and leaflets telling Qimant civil servants to leave the area had been circulating since September 2018, but the authorities took no action.
Armed Amhara youth came and killed three of my brothers and my cousin and wounded my other brother. They killed them at point-blank range while I watched. They died instantly. 
Dinqie Tekeda, 25, victim of attacks on Qimant community
Dinqie Tekeda, 25, escaped from her burning house with four of her brothers and a cousin only for Amhara guards at Bunna International Bank, where they had sought refuge, to expose them to vigilante youths. “Armed Amhara youth came and killed three of my brothers and my cousin and wounded my other brother. They killed them at point-blank range while I watched. They died instantly,” she said.
Another attack on 29 September 2019 left 43 more Qimants dead and 12 injured. At least one family was burnt alive in their home, a witness told Amnesty International. “Just 100 metres from my home, the youth burnt Endihnew Nega, his mother, his sister and her baby at around 10pm,” Tsedal Abate said.
Just 100 metres from my home, the youth burnt Endihnew Nega, his mother, his sister and her baby at around 10pm on 29 September 2019. 
Tsedal Abate, a witness to attacks against Qimants
Businessman Abebe Tilahun, 38, sustained multiple injuries after a grenade was hurled into his house and the house set on fire forcing him out into a barrage of gunfire that hit his shoulder and hand. “I saw the Amhara Police Special Force and the local militia attacking the Qimant neighbourhood together with the Amhara vigilante youth. They were going from home to home to kill Qimant people,” he said.
Extrajudicial executions
Amnesty International documented the extrajudicial execution of at least 39 people in Oromia including 17-year old Seid Sheriff who was shot in the head outside a café in Harqelo, Goro Dola for allegedly alerting a motor-bike driver of an impending arrest.
Three other men - Debeso Megada (27), Ararso Gobena (16) and Qalicha Jarso (22), were killed while riding on a motorbike in January 2019 in Duqisa Megada kebele, Dugda Dawa. And yet another man, Aga Uddessa, was shot dead on 3 February 2019 as he rode past the Command Post in Harqelo, Goro Dola.
The authorities must immediately stop these horrific killings. They must also ensure that those responsible for these callous and brutal acts face justice. 
Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa
In Finchawa, Dugda Dawa, two truckloads of soldiers drove into town on 28 December 2018, and indiscriminately shot at people for an hour, killing 13. Witnesses told Amnesty International the attack was in retaliation for a soldier stoned to death three weeks earlier.
“The authorities must immediately stop these horrific killings. They must also ensure that those responsible for these callous and brutal acts face justice,” said Deprose Muchena.
Brutal beatings, lifetime scars
At least 10,000 people, including entire families, were arbitrarily arrested and detained in 2019 as part of the government’s crackdown on armed attacks and inter-communal violence in Oromia Region. They were accused, but never charged, for “supporting, sharing information with and feeding” members of an armed group calling itself the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) that splintered from the Oromo Liberation Front’s (OLF) military wing.
A gunshot wound  on the arm of victim of excessive force
A bullet wound sustained on the arm of one victim we interviewed
Many people were arrested multiple times, some detained for up to five months and put through political indoctrination to compel them to support the ruling party. Most were subjected to brutal beatings. For Momina Roba, who was beaten while four months pregnant, the ordeal ended in a miscarriage.
“I was beaten on the day I was arrested and the next day. I told them I was pregnant when they were beating me. But they said it does not matter whether I am pregnant or not. They said they may even kill me,” she said.
I was beaten on the day I was arrested and the next day. I told them I was pregnant when they were beating me. But they said it does not matter whether I am pregnant or not. They said they may even kill me. 
Momina Roba, was beaten until she miscarried
Ebise Eba was arrested in January 2019 by two local administration security officials who took her to the Duqisa Megada administration office and raped her. They said if she did not sleep with them, they would hand her over to EDF soldiers and she would be killed. “One of them, I only know his nickname ‘Qeyo’. He is from the kebele peace and security department. The other is the commander of the militia in the kebele,” she told Amnesty International.
Forced evictions, burnt homes
Since March 2019, security officers forcibly evicted at least 60 families from Oromia’s East and West Guji zones by burning down homes, often while families were inside, leaving them stranded homeless. Amnesty International further confirmed that another 300 families were forcibly relocated from their rural homes into peri-urban areas leaving being everything – household items, harvests and crops on farms.
“We are not able to come back though this is the season for harvesting coffee. We sent elders to petition the local officials to allow us to return. They told the elders we cannot return since we support (OLA),” Faysal Udo said.
“Failure to prevent inter-communal violence and the use of unlawful force by security forces against ordinary people in response to either inter-communal violence or armed attacks is tragic. Law and order measures should never harm people or deprive them of their livelihoods driving them into poverty. The authorities must ensure all evicted and relocated families can immediately and safely return to their homes and farms,” said Deprose Muchena.
Failure to prevent inter-communal violence and the use of unlawful force by security forces against ordinary people in response to either inter-communal violence or armed attacks is tragic. 
Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa
“The authorities must also recognize that holding diverse political views and opinions is legal. Everyone has the right to choose whom to support and these rights to freedom of expression must be guaranteed, upheld and protected. The authorities must stop killing and criminalizing people for their political choices.”