A poem by Hassen Hussein: ስንብተ-ማለዳ ጸሃይ

#OromoProtests

The Tigran fascism: Its State repression, violence and genocide in Oromiyaa

July 29, 2016 in Articles, Oromia

By Leenjiso Horo

Oromia: Under the brutal regime’s rule

Make the male lines like trees that have had their roots cut;
Make the female lines like rooks that have dried up in winter;
Make the children and grandchildren like eggs smashed against rooks;
Make the servants and followers like heaps of grass consumed by fire; ….
In short, annihilate any traces of them, even their names.

–The Fifth Dalai Lama’s instruction to repress Tibetan rebels in 1660.

The Tigran genocidal extremist political elites have learned the methods of committing genocide from the above instruction. This instruction has become for the Tigran political elites a political religious faith book. It adopted this instruction to implement in Oromiyaa against the Oromo people. One need to understand, the nature of Tigran culture from their successive political leaders like Ras Mikael Sehul, Emperor Yohannes IV and Meles Zenawi and his political collogues.

Tigran fascism has a long history. Its history of fascism extends back to Ras Mikael Sehul of the 18th century and Emperor Yohannes IV of the 19th century. Both men sowed seeds of fascism to which Meles Zenawi and his TPLF are the heirs. Indeed, todays Tigran genocidal elites are the products of their history. It is for this, the current Tigran elites have been continuously following the legacies of Ras Mikael Sehul and Emperor Yohannes IV.Ras Mikael Sehul was said to have killed Oromo and Amhara prisoners of war and then peeled their skins off; made the skins into sacks; then he filled those sacks with straws and displayed in public in Gondar to be seen. Emperor Yohannes IV was said to have used “force, fire, and sword” to eliminate Oromo Muslims and Waqeftaa in Wollo who were refused to be converted to Christianity. He mutilated the limbs of those who refused. That is, he cutoff the breasts of women and hands, ears, and tongues of men. It has been said he pulled out one eye from each of his victims. The purpose was to force them into accepting the religion of his choice and at the same time to teach the others the consequence of refusal to accept. Similarly, in 1991, Meles Zenawi, upon entering Finfinnee/Addis Ababa, ordered his army to set on fire Military depot (storage of chemical weapons) in the city. The explosion of the storage of chemical weapons terrorized residents, killed many of them and destroyed many homes. The toxic chemical that released into the air and water is still today causing serious harm to the residents of the city and its vicinities. With this, the brutality of TPLF accelerated with murder, violence, and terror, and the seeds of its plan for the extermination of the Oromo implemented Oromiyaa wide. And, the Oromo people are exposed to the ruthless slaughter. This consistent pattern of crime shows time and again that the Tigrans have inherently greater cultural propensity for hatred, violence and cruelty. Hence, it is clear that the Tigrans political elites have an insatiable propensity to commit crimes of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crime against humanity.

Since 1991 to date, the Tigran political elites-led regime, its state, and its military and security forces have been committing genocide against the Oromo people. These genocidal fascist elites have already exterminated hundreds of thousands of the Oromo men, women and including pregnant women, children and elderly for no reasons than being Oromo. Not on this, millions have been evicted from their lands. Being an Oromo in and of itself is seen by the Tigran political elites as their enemy. Since Oromiyaa is placed under the administration of military Command Post, marshal law is declared. With this, mass murder, kidnapping, torture, and disappearances without trace have been carried out both in towns, villages, and rural areas. The Tigran army’s and security forces’ savagery, barbarism and ruthless cruelty in rural areas include the killing of the infants grabbing by the leg from mothers’ arms and dashing head on the ground and then shooting the mothers to death are common occurrence. In Oromiyaa, kidnappings, forced disappearances, eviction from homes and lands, arrest, torture and killings have been institutionalized. In addition to the annihilation of men, women, children and elderly, it has also targeted the Oromo political leaders, religious leaders, academics and intellectuals and business and communal leaders and journalists at all levels for annihilation. Its centrally planned, centrally organized and state-sponsored violence, killings and evictions of people from their land and homes have touch all nations and nationalities in Ethiopia. This annihilation is and has been undertaken by the centrally organized and government-directed forces.

The TPLF’s target of killing is not just only Oromo men who might organize themselves to fight back in order to defend their people and country, but it also targeted women and children. It targeted women because they are the bears of the next generation and the children are targeted because they are the next generation. The purpose of killing women and children is to destroying a nation “root and branch” of a targeted population. In this case, the targeted population is the Oromo people and the aim is to destroy the “root and branch” of the Oromo nation. This is a policy of exterminating current generation and the future generation of the Oromo nation. Furthermore, today the fascist TPLF’s murderous political repression, violence, genocide, ethnic cleansing and crime against humanity have plagued Ethiopian empire state. Hence, the nations and nationalities in Ethiopia are under the extremist genocidal elites’ state-organized physical extermination. No one is spared from this except the Tigran ethnic group. Particularly, the annihilation of the Oromo people has become the state policy in the Tigran extremist led Ethiopian state. As it is clear to all, State violence has been institutionalized in Oromiyaa. Genocide has become the ultimate expression of the Tigran led state’s aim to annihilate the Oromo population. This policy of repression, violence and genocide is not spontaneous but it is the outgrowth of the decisions made by the Tigran powerful political and economic elites who have access to the significant state resources-the judiciary, the army, the police force, the security, intelligence and the economy. In order to implement this policy, the institution of violence- the notorious Agazi Special Force has been created; military and concentration camps have been expanded; technique of torture have been refined and organizational criminal intelligence networks and killing squads have been established throughout the country whose purpose are to destroy nations and nationalities in Ethiopia.

Genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crime Genocide

The general framework for analysis on the question of genocide in Ethiopia is the following based on the UN Convention on Prevention and Punishment of crime of genocide Article II of 1948. It is oftentimes referred as crime of crimes. It states “genocide means any of the following acts Committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

1. Killing members of the group;
2. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
3. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
4. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
5. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”

On basis of this article, the two fundamental elements of the crime are the first is intention, and the second is the act committed include at least one of the five criteria cited above. Based on the Article II the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of crimes of genocide, under the TPLF, the Oromo people have been intentionally killed (Article II a); the regime’s inhumane treatment of a serious bodily and mental harm have been inflicted upon the Oromo, Sidama, Somali, Gambella, Amhara and etc. (Article II b). Furthermore, this Tigran perpetrator regime has been subjecting the Oromo, Anuak and the Amhara to a systematic expulsion, eviction and forced removal from their homes and farmlands and subsequently settling its nationals on those lands. It has undertaken deprivation of means of livelihood by confiscating property, destruction of homes, looting and denial of housing that are tantamount to a deliberate act to inflict on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction (Article II c). Furthermore, land is the life of the people. Hence, expulsion of the people from their land is a deliberately inflicting on the people, conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole, or in part (Article II c). It is therefore clear according to Article II a, b, and c, genocide is clearly committed by the TPLF led-regime of Ethiopia.

Here it is important to understand the basic difference between crime against humanity, genocide and ethnic cleansing and crimes of war. Genocide is understood to be the state-organized, state-sponsored systematic mass murder of innocent and helpless men, women, and children with the purpose of eradicating a group from a territory and subsequently populating that territory by the nationals of the perpetrators. For this, it commonly describes campaigns of mass extermination. It is a form of annihilation. It includes physical disappearance (the body destruction) and symbolic disappearance (the destruction of the memory of their existence). For these, it is oftentimes said that the main objective of genocidal destruction is the transformation of the victims into “nothing” and the survival into “nobodies.”

Ethnic cleansing

Ethnic cleansing is defined as forcible removal, unlawful displacement, relocation, deportation, forced transfer and expulsion of an ethnic group from a given territory. It is a forced permanent removal of one group of people by another from a region or territory and the subsequent occupation of that territory by ethnic group of the perpetrator as though the target group had never existed there. It includes the removal of all physical reminders of the targeted group through the destruction of historical sites such as shrines, monuments, cemeteries, and houses of worship. With ethnic cleansing, the group’s attachment to the land and its environment will be destroyed through destruction of the group’s homes, social service centers, farms, institutions and the societal infrastructures. Methods for carrying out ethnic cleansing among other things include, such as:

• forced expulsion, or voluntary evacuation through violence, intimidation, fear and genocide;
• Murder;
• Torture;
• Arbitrary arrest and detention;
• Extra‐judicial executions;
• Rape and sexual assaults’ as well as deportation and military assaults against civilians and etc.

Ethnic cleansing is related to genocide. It is a form of genocide. If so, one may ask a question as to what makes genocide distinct from ethnic cleansing. One distinctive difference is ethnic cleansing is focused more closely than genocide on territory and on forced removal of ethnic groups from specific areas. The purpose is to create ethnically homogeneous geographic areas belonging to perpetrator ethnic group. Another difference between the two is the intent of genocide is to destroy the group, whereas the intent of ethnic cleansing is to displace the group. Hence, intent to displace is not intent to destroy. However, the overlap between ethnic cleansing and genocide takes place when forced removal of population leads to a group’s physical and symbolic destruction. In this case, ethnic cleansing becomes genocide. Genocide is the ultimate form of permanent removal.

Again another similarity is ethnic cleansing takes on extermination. At this stage mass killings begin. Killing becomes sport. At this time, the perpetrators dig up the mass graves, burn the bodies, cover up evidence, and intimidate witnesses. Leaders of the guilty regimes block investigations of crimes, and often remain free from punishment of their crimes. The question one may raise is as to causes for ethnic cleansing. The primary objective for ethnic cleansing are ethnic difference, pursuit of land-grab, economic goal and political power. It is the function of unchecked political power-the power that commits crime of ethnic cleansing to achieve its objective of land-grabbing, of capturing natural resources, economic wealth and consolidate its political power base. Not only these, the TPLF’s ethnic cleansing also based on its hate, prejudice, intolerance for other ethnic groups and on its complete disregard for the sanctity of human life. These are what the Tigran political elites have been doing in against the nations and nationalities in the Ethiopian empire state

Crime against humanity

Crime against humanity means atrocities and offences committed against any civilian population. It constitutes mass killings of large number of individuals. It is a crime committed as a part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population. Methods of committing crime against humanity include:

• Torture;
• Murder;
• Extermination;
• mass systematic rape;
• Enslavement;
• enforced disappearance of persons;
• Forcible transfer of population;
• Persecution against collectivity on racial, national, ethnic, cultural, gender, religion, political
  or other grounds;
• Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty and etc.
• Arbitrary arrest and detention;
• Extra‐judicial executions; and etc.

Here one may raise question as to what makes genocide distinct from crimes against humanity. The answer is this, contrary to the crime against humanity, genocide has different focus. It focuses not on killing of individuals, but on the physical destruction of the groups. This means the intent of genocide is to destroy, to annihilate the group. That is to deny a particular group of people the right to exist. Thus, the victims of genocide is the group, not individual. For instance, a single isolated act could be qualified as a genocide (e.g. Sidama massacre at Loque in 2002), whereas a single isolated act against a civilian does not qualify as a crime against humanity because the crime against humanity must be committed within the context of a widespread or systematic attack on any population. Sometimes, persecution is combined and intertwined with genocide. For instance, a charge with crime against humanity is attached to the individual who is charged. Whereas a charge with genocide is attached not only to that person who is charged but to his or her ethnic group as well. The legal definitional criteria for genocide is intent. That is, intent is what distinguishes genocide from crimes against humanity. For example, the late PM Meles Zenawi’s statement of the “Majority can be made minority” is the statement of intent to destroy the majority in whole, or in part. This statement was made in reference to the Oromo people. It is the intent to commit crimes of genocide to reduce the majority to a minority status. On the basis of this, his regime has been committing genocide against the Oromo people since 1991 to-date. It must, therefore, be clear that a charge of the Tigran political elites with genocide not only attaches with the elites themselves, but also to their ethnic group as well.

War crimes

War crimes are the wilful violations of the laws or customs of war, including:

• Atrocities or offences against persons or property;
• Murder, ill treatment of the civilian population in occupied territory;
• Murder or ill treatment of prisoners of war;
• killing of hostages;
• Torture or inhumane treatment, including biological experiments;
• maiming;
• plunder of public or private property;
• Wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages; and etc.

With the understanding of the fundamental distinctions between the types of these crimes, the question then remains as to under which type of crime the TPLF, its associates and allies be charged with upon the fall and demise of the TPLF fascist regime. Here, the associates include-among others, accomplices, aider and abettors, conspirators, crime facilitators, accessories, land-grabbers and etc. These are individuals with the actual and full knowledge of genocide, ethnic cleansing, crime against humanity and war crimes committed against Oromo and other peoples and yet choose to benefit or profit from such crimes. The fact is, such are individuals who have been involved in committing crimes against their own people in alliance or in association with the fascist TPLF colonial regime. For instance, if diaspora based individuals’ bought a piece of Oromo land or properties or received the land or property from the TPLF led fascist regime in the name of “investor”, they will be charged with either genocide, or ethnic cleansing or crime against humanity or with war crime depending upon the type of the crime committed. The fact is this, these individuals have been and are willingly and voluntarily engaged in the Oromo land-grab for selfish reasons with actual and full knowledge of crime being committed against the Oromo people. Consequently, these land-grabbers deprived our people life, liberty, land, and homes. These benefits or profits are made on the blood of the Oromo people. Under this condition, one thing must be clear that upon the demise of the TPLF led fascist regime, the people who were evicted from their lands or properties were taken from have full right to retake their lands or properties back.

The failure of International Community

The international community has a responsibility to use appropriate means to prevent genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ethiopia. However, it has failed to stop the Tigran fascism. It knew the early warning for these crimes. It knew, the Tigrans are a minority that constitutes four and half percent of 102 million population. Despite this, this minority totally controls the government. Hundred percent of the leadership is concentrated in the hands of Tigran minority ethnic group with hostility toward other ethnic groups. This minority has a complete monopoly over the Army, police forces and security and intelligence. Furthermore, the parliament is hundred percent its party, no opposition. Judicial system services the state. The Foreign Service are populated with the Tigran ethnic group. This minority ethnic group has also a total control over the economy and finance. At the same time, there is no free press. In the light of all these, the international community has overlooked the factors that should have drawn its attention about the likelihood of genocide, ethnic cleaning, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ethiopia. This failure of international community has encourage, the TPLF led-regime to commit crimes of genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes against the peoples in the Ethiopian empire.

In sum, the TPLF is a megamurder regime. It is a radical bloodthirsty regime. Since it militarily seized power in 1991, it has been committing genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and war crimes against the people. The cruelty, savagery and intensity of its crimes against the peoples are unparalleled in the history of Ethiopian state. Hence, it is not a mischaracterization to call it, the regime of death and destruction the Ethiopian empire has ever seen. As it is stated in the above paragraphs, genocide has been perpetrated by the Tigran genocidal elites against the Oromo people. It has planned, coordinated and executed a policy of violence, terror, and annihilation of the Oromo and other peoples, their supporters, and their sympathizers. Such crimes have been carried out both domestically and beyond national borders. It has failed to comply with the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and other crimes to which the Ethiopian state is a signatory. At the same time, the Ethiopian judicial system is at the service of national security state. Consequently, it has also failed in Ethiopia with regard to human rights violations and crimes against humanity. Moreover, the international community is also not willing to confront the Tigran led-regime for its crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide. This means it turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to the crimes that the Tigran fascist regime is and has been committing against the peoples. Consequently, it too has failed to defend the people against genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity in the case of Ethiopia. The only way of bringing justice to the people of Ethiopian empire state regarding the crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity is through the establishment of Special International Tribunals. It is, therefore, time for the international community to confront head on and stop this genocidal violence against the people before it reaches catastrophic proportions.

However, one thing must be clear. No one will come to stop the genocide, crime against humanity and ethnic cleansing against the Oromo and other peoples. As history has shown time and again, no a nation ever came to save the Armenians from the Ottoman Empire committed genocide as one and half million were destroyed in three years; no a nation came to save the Jews from German committed genocide until after six million were perished; and no a nation came to save Tutsi from Hutu committed genocide until after one million were perished in three months. So, it is to be naive to expect the world community to come to the Oromo’s aid to stop genocide that the genocidal fascist Tigran elites are being committing against them. The genocide committed against the Jews, the Armenians and Tutsi were committed by the majority, whereas today the genocide against the Oromo people is being committed by the minority regime. The TPLF’s genocide against the Oromo people can only be stopped by the Oromo people alone. This demands organization, leadership, and a political will to act. For this, the Oromo people must be organized and armed in order to fight and removal this enemy and its horror of genocide from Oromiyaa. At the same time, it is incumbent upon the peoples of the Ethiopian empire state to join together in the fighting against this barbarous common enemy, to remove its horror of genocide, its crime against humanity and its ethnic cleansing and to bring it to justice. Here one has to be realistic that there is no help coming from external powers to stop the TPLF genocide against the Oromo and other peoples. Hence, it is time to take ones destiny into one’s own hands in order defend oneself, to fight and defeat this dangerous enemy-the TPLF. For this, it is time to organize, mobilize and army the population to fight in order to dismantle the TPLF led genocidal fascist regime, to remove its horror of genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, its laws and its institutions

የኦሮምያ ህዝብ በህዝባዊ እምቢተኝነቱ እንደቀጠለ ነው

Map of the Oromia region in Ethiopia

Map of the Oromia region in Ethiopia

#OromoProtests

OLF ( Oromo Libration Front )

>>>> WBO <<<<
(W). Wirtuu Qabsaawota sabaa
(B). Barbadeessaa diina jabaa
(O). Oromiyaaf lubbuu dhaba.

Hawaasni kee si'abdataa
Roorroo sabaa sitti iyyata,
Lubbuu qalii sabaaf laattaa,
Bobaa diinaa jala galtaa
Diina keenya fixaa jirta.

Lafti teeti tarkaanfadhu
Beelaa dheebuf garaa hidhu
Jiraachudhaaf mamarqadhu
Firiif hidda mukaas nyaadhu.

Roorroo jibbee kan falmatu
Du'ee ajjeesuu hin sodaatu
Gabrummaanuu du'a caalaa,
Tana jibbee dhugaaf lola.

Riphxee duulun hojii teetii,
Gabroomfataa mudhii kuti,
Tarsimoodhaan masakamtee,
Buutee baatee,Kuftee kaatee
Seenaa dhiigaan galmeessite.

Qabsoon sabaa addan cittu
Hanga oromoo kabaja argatuu
Hanga oromiyaan bilisoomtuu.

Qeerroon biyyaa sijaalatti
Abbaan biyyaa WBO jettii,
Bakka maraa suma yaamtii,
Jira jedhii abdachiisii,
Qeeyroo biyyaa gammachiisi.

Hin fagaatin as dhihaadhu
Saba kankee irkoo godhuu
Waboo duruu si jaalannaa,
Ar'aa borus sitti boonna.
__________________________
Munawar Laga Arbaa tin
Adoolessa 28 /2016

#Oromo Protests

OLF ( Oromo Libration Front )

WBO koo yaa leencaa
yaa caallaa hundarraa
Siitu seena qabaa
seenaa bara dheera,
Ciqqaawwati turtee 
diina kee lafarraa,
Yaa abbaa hiyyeessaa
bar si cinaa jirraa
Himadhu waan feete
maaliin si gargaarra?
Oromof oromiyaa
sii baasa miidhaarraa,
Kanaaf xiqqaa guddaan
si jala hiriirraa,
Abdiin qabnu suma
nuti yeroo maraa
Yaa jajjabee kiyyaa
si malee kan biraa,
Kan oromoof yaaduu
tokko essa jiraa?
Yaa qarayyoo ijaa
yaa agartuu firaa,
Teepha gabrummaadha
siitu nurra ciraa,+2

Long live WBO koo! !!

JULY 28, 2016 11:22AM EDT Dispatches

Dispatches: Ethiopia’s Opposition Leaders on Hunger Strike

Protesting Against Mistreatment in Prison

It has been nine days since prominent Ethiopian opposition leader Bekele Gerba and several other senior members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) went on a hunger strike to protest their treatment in detention. Bekele, who is the deputy chairman of the OFC, and his colleagues are currently being held in Kilinto prison near Addis Ababa on terrorism charges. Their health has reportedly deteriorated significantly in recent days.

EXPAND

Bekele Gerba in Washington DC, August 2015. 

© 2015 Bonnie Holcomb

Bekele and his associates were detained on December 23, 2015 and later charged under Ethiopia’s terrorism law for allegedly belonging to the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) – a charge that is regularly used to silence ethnic Oromos who are critical of the government. They were first taken to the notorious Maekalawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment are routine. Since moving to Kilinto, Bekele and his colleagues have repeatedly petitioned the courts to investigate their mistreatment in detention, to allow their families visiting rights, and to provide them with proper medication.

Bekele is a staunch advocate of non-violence and is one of tens of thousands who were detained during the mostly peaceful proteststhat have swept through Oromia since November. Many of those who have since been released reported being tortured in custody.

Since the protests began, the security forces have killed over 400 people, most of them students. Yet, there has been no meaningful investigation into the killings and no effort to hold security forces accountable. Instead, the state-affiliated Human Rights Commission in an oral report to parliament in June concluded that the level of force used by security forces was proportionate to the risk the forces faced, sending an ominous message to Ethiopians that security force members can shoot unarmed protesters with impunity.

As it is clear that the Ethiopian government is either not willing or not able to conduct a credible investigation into the conduct of its security forces, there is increasing need for international involvement in any investigation.

Unfortunately, the authorities’ failure to treat Bekele and his colleagues with the most basic respect for their rights is indicative of a government that shows little willingness to right the wrongs it has committed. Their continued detention sends a message to young Ethiopians that the government equates peaceful protest with terrorism, putting Ethiopia on a dangerous trajectory. 

Dispatches: Ethiopia’s Opposition Leaders on Hunger Strike

Dispatches: Ethiopia’s Opposition Leaders on Hunger Strike

#OromoProtests

Videos Chronicle How Fear Got Defeated by Oromo Protests in Oromia (Dec. 9, 2015 to Jan. 4, 2016)

Note that the Part-1 of this video series covers the period of the Oromia-wide Oromo Protests from November 29, 2015 to December 8, 2015 – which was posted earlier here. The following set of four videos chronicles the period of the Oromo Protests from December 9, 2015 to January 4, 2016 as the Oromo Protests against the Master Plan continue into a third month and into the new year.

Oromo students in particular, and the Oromo public in general, have been protesting against the Ethiopian Federal government’s Master Plan to evict millions of Oromo farmers around the Capital, Sheger, and other major towns in Oromia, and transfer the ownership of the land to investors affiliated with the government. The Ethiopian Federal government’s response to the demands of the Oromo protesters has been militaristic over the last two months; according to media estimates, more than 130 Oromo persons were killed, more than 2,000 Oromo persons were wounded, more than 35,000 Oromo persons have been imprisoned, and more than 800 Oromo persons have disappeared over the last months – all for peacefully protesting against the Master Plan (or for being suspecting of protesting against the Master Plan) – and this violence of the government has continued to date. In many of these cases, the government’s actions are random as it uses terrorizing the public into fear and submission as a means of ruling over them without their consent. The heavy violence that the Ethiopian Federal government has been willing to unleash on the Oromo civilian population, however, seems to turn the Oromo public into unshakable determination for the protests – rather than into fear and submission. No conscience mind can tolerate such level of violence – including those ordering these atrocities and those carrying them out; that is why – in recent days, some members of the Ethiopian government’s police and military apparatuses have joined the popular Oromo Protests against the Master Plan and against the violence of the Ethiopian government on the Oromo people (see attached photo here).

In the following video clips (recorded by amateur citizen journalists all over Oromia), some scenes will be disturbing as they show the heavy violence the Ethiopian Federal government has used to terrorize the Oromo civilian population (viewer discretion is advised). The video clips show how fear was defeated in Oromia through peaceful (nonviolent) means; since this Ethiopian government came to power without the consent of the people (and sustained itself in power through many cycles of electoral frauds over the decades), “fear” was the only element that it had used to oppress the people “mercilessly.” The Oromo protesters are demanding that they want a government that fears and respects its citizens – and earns their consent, not a government that uses its military to terrorize its own citizens into fear and submission.

This is the buratl killing of Ethiopian federal plice.

#OromoProtests

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ SAD NEWS : Ibsa Adem, who was shot in Dogu town, Gurawa District, East Hararge has just died. Ibsa graduated from Adama University in accounting just few weeks ago.He returned to his home town where he and 6 more people were gunned down by government soldiers. A young girl identified as Rihana Ahmed, who was visiting the town from Haramaya was killed instantly while Ibsa and 5 others survived and taken to hospital in Gara Mulata. Ibsa died just an hour ago from the injuries.

#OromoProtests

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ CALL ON DIASPORA: As you might be aware, it has been 8 days since Bekele Gerba & other political prisoners at Qilinto started hunger strike in protest against inhumane treatment at the hands of the prison officials. Instead of addressing their just demand, the prison officials have blocked lawyers and families of the prisoners from visiting them. They have not been seen by medical personnel to assess the impact of hunger on their health either. Hence the lives of these precious leaders and freedom fighters are ins serious danger.

The diaspora must play its role to save their lives. In addition to calling on the international community to intervene, we must take direct impose direct pressure on the regime through nonviolent direct action on its embassies and consular services across the world. We will be announcing the date of global action after consulting with community organizations.

Oromo activists!!

Military Force terrorizing people in Oromia,Borena Zone, Ethiopia

Oromo TV: Gaafi fi Deebii : Hayyu Duree Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo Ob.Daaw...

#OromoProtests

Ibsa Walgahii Gumii Sabaa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo ( ABO ) 

Gumiin Sabaa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo haala Dhaaba ABO fi waliigala Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo yeroo ammaa irratti kan xiyyeeffate walgahii hatattamaa Gurraandhala 27, 2016 gaggeeffatee milkiidhaan xumuratee jira.

Walgahii kana irrattis dhimmotni fardiin adda addaa dhihaatanii irratti mari’atamuudhaan tarkaanfiileen fudhatamuu qabanis qajeelfamanii jiru. Akka kanaanis:

Haala Ummata Oromoo kan yeroo ammaa ilaalchisee

Itti-fufa Qabsoo Diddaa Gabrummaa fi falmaa mirga Bilisummaa fi Abbaa-biyyummaa Saba Oromoo waggoota dheeraadhaaf gaggeeffamaa dhufee kan tahe falmaan hadhaawaa fi seena-qabeessi Ummatni keenya baatiilee afran dabraniif osoo addaan hin citin walitti fufiinsaan belbelchaa jiru (Fincilli Xumura Gabrummaa) akeekaa fi galiin isaa Bilisummaa Sabichaa mirkaneessuu dha. Ummatni Oromoo sochii kana kan gaggeessaa jiru harka qullaa karaa nagaa osoo mirga Ummata biraa tokko illee hin tuqin roorroo fi hacuuccaa mootummaa Itoophiyaatiin isa irra gahaa turee fi jiru mormuudhaan mirga ofii gaafachuudhaani.

Mootummaan Itoophiyaa gaaffii haqaa fi sochii karaa nagayaa Ummatni keenya gochaa jiru akka weerara alagaatti ilaaluudhaan humna waraanaa maqaa Ittisa Biyyaatiin ijaarrate itti bobbaasuudhaan afaan qawweetiin dura dhaabbatee Ummata karaa nagaa mirga isaa gaafatu fixaa jira. Tarkaanfii faashistummaa Wayyaanee kanaan baatiilee afaran dabran keessatti qofa lubbuun ummata nagaa dhibbootaan lakkaawaman galaafatamee kanneen kumootaan lakkaawaman madaawuu fi kuma kudhanootaan kan lakkaawaman hidhaatti guuramanii jiru. Gochaan suukanneessaan kun ammas akkuma itti fufetti jira. Haa tahu malee Ummatni keenya ajjeecha fi hidhaa dabalatee miidhaa bifa kamiinuu Wayyaaneen irraan gahuuf osoo duubatti hin jedhin murannoo ol’aanaadhaan wareegama bifa hundaa baasee mirga isaa kabajsiifachuuf guutuu Oromiyaa keessatti tokkummaadhaan sochii isaa finiinsaa jira.

Haala Dhaabaa ABO fi Mooraa QBO ilaalchisee

Gaaffiin Sabni Oromoo har’aan tana goleelee Oromiyaa mara keessaa tokkummaadhaan ol ka’ee lallabachaa jiru gaaffii haqaa kan ummatni hundi uumamaa fi seeraanis qabu kan Dhaabni keenya Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo irratti bu’uurfamee fi waggoota 40 dabraniif qabsaawaafii jiruu dha. Injifannooleen cululuqoon galmeeffamaa jiranis itti baha hojii qabsoo kan waraanaa, siyaasaa fi dippilomaasii Dhaabni keenya Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo gaggeessaa ture fi jiruu ti. Kanaafis ragaan guddaan dhaadannoo Ummatni keenya sochii kana keessatti dhageessisaa jiruu fi Alaabaa inni maxxanfatee socho’aa jiruu dha.

Waan taheef, abdii Ummata keenyaa kana milkeessuu fi wareegama qaalii baafamaa jirutti firii gochuuf, Jaarmayni Dhaaba ABO addatti fi kan mooraan QBO waliigalatti haala itti jabina daranii horatuu fi gaafatama hoogganummaa Qabsoon Bilisummaa Oromoo fi haalli siyaasa waliigala naannichaa yeroo ammaatti gaafatu gahummaadhaan bahachuu danda’u irratti ciminaa fi shaffisaan akka hojjetamuu qabu GS qajeelchee jira.

Wareegama ulfaataa Ummatni keenya murannoo ol’aanaadhaan diina dura dhaabbatee baasaa jiru xiqqeessuu fi galma gahiinsa Kaayyoo qabsichaa shaffisiisuudhaaf ABOn kan yeroo kamii iyyuu caalaa ciminaan kan sossohu tahuus hundaaf mirkaneessa.

Haala Mootummaa Itoophiyaa ilaalchisee

Murni har’a aangoo mootummaa Itoophiyaa harkaa qabu Wayyaaneen (TPLF) waggoota 25 dabraniif kan inni ittiin hawaasa Addunyaatti kijibaa jiraate sirna Mootummaa Federaalawaa fi Dimokiraatawaa tahe diriirsee Ummatootni hundi akka naannoo naannoo isaaniitti aangoo ofiin of bulchuu qabaatan taasiseetin jira kan jedhu ture. Haa tahu malee har’aan tana Bubbee Warraaqsa Bilisummaa Oromootiin waaroon dimokiraatummaa fi federaalummaa dharaa inni ittiin of golguu yaalaa ture irraa mulqamee maalummaan mootummichaa inni dhugaa warra duraan hin hubatiniif hubatamee kanneen beekaa wallaalanis qaanfachiisee jira. Har’aan tana “Federeeshinii” dharaa Wayyaaneen ittiin eenyummaa ofii dhoksuuf yaalaa ture keessatti “Mootummoota Naannoo” jedhamanii warra beekamaa turan keessaa isa guddicha kan tahe “Mootummaan Naannoo Oromiyaa” diigamee naannichi guutummaatti Bulchiinsa Waraanaa Wayyaanee jala akka galu taasifamee jira. Tarkaanfiin kun qaama Labsii Lolaa Wayyaaneedhaan Ummata Oromoo irratti irra deddeebi’ee labsamee ti.

Haallan kanneen irraa ka’uudhaan ABO yaamicha armaan gadii dabarsa.

Ummata Oromoof:

Bilisummaan wareegama malee akka hin argamne hubachuudhaan wareegamni qaaliin baasaa turtee fi jirtu har’aan tana dhageeytii addunyaa hedduu argatee jira. Mootummaa akka Sabaatti si diinomfatee duula duguuginsa shanyummaa (Genocide) si irratti gaggeessaa turee fi jiru gootummaa fi irree tokkummaa keetiin raastee afaan boollaa irraan geessee jirta. Falmaa kana daran finiinsuudhaan xumura itti gochuu qofaatu roorroo, ajjeechaa fi saaminsa jaarraa tokko oliif si irratti saare dhabamsiisee bilisummaa kee mirkaneessuu fi jireenya Sabummaa keetti iggituu horuu danda’a. Kanaaf, xiqqaa-guddaa, dhiiraa-dhalaa, kan biyya keessaa fi alaa hundi wal faana socho’uudhaan wareegama qabsoon gaafattu hunda baastee bilisummaa qabsoo fi wareegama keetiin dhuftee balbala kee irra geesse harkatti galfachuuf murannoo daraniitiin qabsaawi.

Ilmaan Oromoo hidhattanii humna waraanaa, humna tikaa fi poolisa Wayyaanee keessatti argamtan hundi diinummaa fi roorroo daangaa dabre kan Wayyaaneen ifatti Ummata Oromoo irratti gaggeessaa jiru kana dhaabsisuuf fi guyyaa bilisummaa Saba keessanii dhiheessuuf har’a kan yeroo kamii iyyuu caalaa dirqamaa fi gaafatama seenaa fi kan dhalootaa qabdan. Hidhannoo harka keessan jiruun Ummata irraa dhalattan kan Wayyaaneen lafa irraa fixuuf murteessee waraana isaa itti ajaje cinaa dhaabbadhaa irraa faccisaa.

Oromootni caasaa mootummaa Wayyaanee kan gara garaa keessa jirtanii fi abbootiin qabeenyaa yeroon amma keessa jirru yoomuu caalaa kan Ummatni keenya akka diina innikkaatti ilaalamee mootummaa Wayyaaneetiin lolli irratti gaggeeffamaa jiru waan taheef bakka jirtanitti daandii fi mala dandeessan hundaan miidhaa Saba keessan irra gahu hanqisuuf yookaan xiqqeessuuf dirqama lammummaa keessan akka bahattan ABO gadi jabeessee dhaama.

Ummatoota Ollaa Oromiyaaf:

Jabaachuun Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo, qabsoo sabootni kaan godhanis ni jabeessa, mirgi hiree murteeffannaa sabootaa akka mirkanaawu taasisa. Nageenyi naannoo Gaanfa Afrikaa akka mirkanaawuufis qooda ol’aanaa qaba. Waan taheefis, Ummatootni ollaa Oromoo fi Oromiyaa jirtan hundi falmaan hadhaawaan har’aan tana Ummatni Oromoo mirga isaa kabajsiifachuuf gaggeessaa jiru qaama furmaata rakkina keessanii tahuu hubachuudhaan akka cinaa dhaabbattan ABO jabeessee gaafata.

Jaarmayoota Siyaasaa Oromoof

Mooraa Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo gabbisuu fi itichuun Imaammata Dhaabbataa ABO kan yeroo hundaa ti. ABOn jaarmayootni siyaasaa Oromoo kan bilisummaa Oromoo mirkaneessuuf qabsaawan hundi bifa danda’ame hundaan qindoomina uumanii qabeenya, beekumsaa fi humna namaa Ummata keenyaa bittinnaawuu fi qisaasamuu irraa oolchanii dandeeytii jiru hundaan diina irratti dhiibbaa akka godhan haala dandeessisu uumuuf waan danda’u gochaa ture. Har’as itti jira. Yaaliin kun akka milkaawuuf jaarmayootni siyaasaa Oromoo hundi gahee isaanii akka bahatan ABOn yaamicha godha.

Humnoota Siyaasaa Itoophiyaaf

Gaaffiin Oromoo gaaffii haqaa fi kan Bilisummaa ti. Kaayyoon ABOs gaaffii haqaa Ummata Oromoo kana fiixaan baasuu dha. ABOn hanga gaaffiin haqaa Ummata Oromoo kun deebisaa guutuu hin argannetti rakkoon siyaasaa, kan dinagdee fi hawaasummaa naannoo kanaa furamuu akka hin dandeenye jabeessee amana. Kanaaf jaarmayootni Siyaasaa Itoophiyaa kanneen rakkina siyaasaa, dinagdee fi hawaasummaa Ummatoota Itoophiyaa keessa jiraatanii furuuf qabsoofna jedhan hundi gaaffii haqaa Saba Oromoo kana amananii fudhachuu qofaatu gara furmaata haqaa fi waaraatti geessuu danda’a. ABOn kanneen gaaffii haqaa Ummatni Oromoo fi Ummatootni biroo mirga hiree murteeffannaa ofii dhugoomsuuf kaasanitti amanan wajjin hojjetee rakkoo naannoo kanaatti furmaata waaraa gochuuf yeroo hunda qophii tahuu isaa irra deebi’ee beeksisa.

Hawaasa Addunyaaf:

Murtii dhiheenya kana Gamtaan Awroppaa fudhateef irra deebinee maqaa qabsoo bilisummaa Ummata Oromootiin galateeffachaa fi dinqisiifachaa, hawaasnii Addunyaa fi mootummootni biyyoota gara garaa kanneen gargaarsa bifa adda addaa mootummaa Wayyaaneef kennaa turtan hundi fakkeenya gaarii Gamtaa Awroppaa kana hordofuudhaan imaammata keessan akka keessa deebitanii ilaaltanii fi qabsoo haqaa Ummatni Oromoo bilisummaa isaa gonfachuuf gaggeessaa jiru yoo dandeessan deggeruu, dadhabamu waan gufuu itti tahu dalaguu irraa akka of qusattan jabeessinee gaafanna.

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!

Gumii Sabaa ABO

Gurraandala 29, 2016

#OromoProtests

The Oromo Nation: Toward Mental Liberation and Empowerment

July 24, 2016 in Articles, Oromia

The Oromo Nation:  Toward Mental Liberation and Empowerment[1]

Asafa Jalata and Harwood Schaffer

(Paper Published in The Journal of Oromo Studies, 2016)

(L) Dr. Asafa Jalata, Professor of Sociology and Global and Africana Studies, University of Tennessee, Department of Sociology, Knoxville, Tennessee USA; (R) Dr. Harwood Schaffer, Research Assistant Professor, University of Tennessee Institute of Agriculture, Knoxville, Tennessee USA

In the second decade of the 21st Century, the Oromo people face a monumental national crisis that requires their urgent recognition and resolution. The Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government has clearly recognized the potential of the Oromo nation and is determined to destroy and/or suppress it by engaging in state terrorism and genocidal massacres, conducting mass arrests, violating human rights, and eliminating opposition leaders and their potential successors while replacing them with Afaan Oromo speaking nafxanyas (colonial settlers) and Oromo collaborators. The current regime continues to expropriate Oromo economic resources—including land—and transfer them to Tigrayans and their regional and global capitalist supporters. This regime has also begun the practice of enslaving and selling young Oromo girls and girls of other nationalities to Arab countries that have no respect for human dignity and rights. All these have  occurred in the era of globalization or transnational capitalism, as global, regional, and local forces have been integrated through the intensification of globalizing processes known as deepening and broadening.[2] As a result, with the financial, military, diplomatic, and intelligence support of global and regional powers, the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian regime has been focused on dismantling and destroying the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—the hallmark, symbol, pride, and hope of the Oromo nation—and other independent Oromo civic and political organizations.[3]

The attack on independent Oromo political and civic organizations and institutions was intensified before the Oromo national movement managed to achieve maturity. The consolidation of the Oromo national leadership and the maturation of Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) are still incomplete. As such, the movement’s ability to defend itself from internal and external enemies has been significantly compromised. These challenges confronted the Oromo national struggle before the Oromo leadership was able to develop the ideological coherence and organizational capacity to catapult the Oromo national movement to an advanced stage. The crisis of the Oromo national leadership has emerged from both external and internal sources and Oromo nationalists urgently need to address both in order to find an appropriate solution. The impacts of external forces (e.g. Amhara-Tigray colonial structures and global capitalism) have been adequately addressed in books and scholarly articles.[4] We now need to focus on the internal crises facing the movement’s leadership.

In our attempt to examine this internal dilemma, we address four major interrelated issues. First, we provide historical and cultural background to contextualize the problem in question. Second, we explore how Ethiopian colonialism has affected the process of the formation of Oromo elites and leaders. Third, we identify and examine the connections between liberation knowledge, the inferiority complex, and mental liberation in the development of a revolutionary consciousness. Fourth, we share some ideas on how to promote the development of mental liberation as a means of constructing a revolutionary consciousness. In addition, we suggest ways to cultivate Oromummaa (culture, identity, and nationalism) so that a united Oromo national leadership may be forged—from the bottom up—around a common denominator, thus ensuring the survival and liberation of the Oromo nation and other captive nations from the yoke of Ethiopian colonialism and global imperialism.[5]

Conquest and colonial subjugation within the Ethiopian Empire

Before Abyssinia/Ethiopia colonized the Oromo and other nations in the Horn of Africa with the help of European powers in the late 19th century, the Oromo presided over a form of republican government known as the gadaa/siqqee system.[6] From the 15th until the mid-17th century, the gadaa/siqqee government was organized on three levels: national, regional, and local. According to Lemmu Baissa, the Oromo government “was led by an elected luba council formed from representatives of the major Oromo moieties…under the presidency of the abba gadaa and his two deputies…. The national leadership was responsible for such important matters as legislation and enforcement of general laws, handling issues of war and peace and coordinating the nation’s defense, management of intra-Oromo clan conflicts and dealing with non-Oromo peoples.”[7]

However, due to the geographical expansion of the Oromo territory and an increasing population, the central gadaa/siqqee government declined beginning in the mid-17th century and autonomous regional and local republics took its place. These regional and local governments formed pan-Oromo confederations to defend themselves from external enemies.[8] The rule of law and social equality were the guiding principles of thegadaa/siqqee system.[9] Although we have limited knowledge of Oromo history before the sixteenth century, it is reasonable to think that these people did not invent the gadaa/siqqeesystem while they were establishing Biyyaa Oromoo (what we now call Oromia). Historical studies suggest that during the 16th and 17th centuries, while various peoples were fighting over economic resources in the Horn of Africa, the Oromo were effectively organized under the national gadaa government for both offensive and defensive wars. According to Virginia Luling, “from the mid-16th to the mid-19th century the  [Oromo] were dominant on their own territories; no people of other cultures were in a position to exercise compulsion over them.”[10]

The gadaa/siqqee government organized and ordered society around political, economic, social, cultural, and religious institutions.[11] Bonnie Holcomb notes that the gadaa system “organized the Oromo people in an all-encompassing democratic republic even before the few European pilgrims arrived from England on the shores of North America and only later built a democracy.”[12] This system exhibits the principles of checks and balances (through periodic succession of leaders every eight years), division of power (among executive, legislative, and judicial branches), balanced opposition (among five parties), and power sharing between higher and lower administrative organs to prevent power from falling into the hands of despots.[13] Other principles of the system included balanced representation of all clans, lineages, regions and confederacies; the accountability of leaders; the settlement of disputes through reconciliation; and respect for basic rights and liberties.[14] There were five miseensas (parties) in gadaa; these parties have different names in different parts of Oromia.[15] All gadaa officials were elected for eight years by universal adult male suffrage.

Colonialism and the Underdevelopment of Oromo Leadership 

The Ethiopian colonial state destroyed the leaders of the conquered nations in the Horn of Africa who fought against Abyssinian/Ethiopian colonialism, co-opting those leaders who would collaborate with the system as intermediaries.[16] Abyssinian access to European guns, cannons, technology, diplomacy, and administrative skills were utilized in colonizing these various nations, the largest of which was the Oromo. This paper focuses on the experience of the Oromo as a case study of the ways the Abyssinian/Ethiopian rulers have systematically destroyed the leadership capacity of the conquered peoples.

The Abyssinians systematically engaged in massacring and repressing Oromos while reorganizing Oromo society in order to control and exploit the Oromo people and their resources. Since the colonization of the Oromo people (as we shall see below), one of the goals of the Ethiopian state has been the destruction and underdevelopment of the Oromo people and their leadership; the Amhara-Tigray state has used both violent and institutional mechanisms to ensure that the Oromo people remain leaderless while it continues to repress and exploit them. To ensure its colonial domination, the Ethiopian state destroyed and/or suppressed Oromo institutions (e.g. the aforementioned gadaa/siqqee system, as well as an indigenous Oromo religion known as Waaqeefata) while glorifying, establishing, and expanding the Amhara-Tigray government and Orthodox Christianity. The state also sought to suppress Oromo history, culture, and language while promoting that of the Abyssinians.

Ethiopian settler colonialism was firmly established in Oromia through the imposition of five institutional arrangements in order to tightly control Oromo society and intensify its exploitation: (1) garrison cities and towns, (2) slavery, (3) the colonial landholding system, (4) the nafxanya-gabbar system (semi-slavery), and (5) the Oromo collaborator class.[17]The colonialists have been concentrated in garrison cities and towns and formulated political, economic, and ideological programs that they used to oppress their colonial subjects.[18] The settlers expropriated almost all Oromo lands, and forced most Oromos to work on these lands without payment. The Oromo intermediaries have been used in subordinating the Oromo people to the colonial society. Many people were enslaved and forced to provide free labor to the colonial ruling class, while others were reduced to the status of semi-slaves so they could provide agricultural and commercial products and free labor for their colonizers. As a consequence of these efforts, the Ethiopian state successfully destroyed and/or suppressed Oromo institutions and independent leaders and replaced them with its own leaders and political, religious, and educational institutions; colonialism also fractured Oromo culture and identity.

The Ethiopian state targeted any sense of Oromoness (Oromummaa) for destruction and established colonial administrative regions to suppress the Oromo people and exploit their resources. As a result, Oromo relational identities were localized and disconnected from the collective identity of national Oromummaa. On a national level, the Oromo were separated from one another and prevented from exchanging goods and information for more than a century. As a result, their identities were localized into clan families and colonial regions. They were also exposed to different cultures (i.e., languages, customs, values, etc.) and religions and have adopted some elements of these cultures and religions because of the inferiority complex that Ethiopian colonialism sought to create in them. Consequently, until Oromo nationalism emerged, Oromoness primarily remained on the personal and the interpersonal levels since the Oromo were denied the opportunity to form national institutions. In addition, today there are members of Oromo society and elites who have internalized clan and externally-imposed regional and/or religious identities because of their low level of political consciousness or because of opportunism on their part, exhibiting the lack of a clear understanding of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism.

Overcoming several obstacles, the founding fathers and mothers of Oromummaa created two pioneering organizations in the 1960s and 1970s: the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and the Oromo Liberation Front respectively. These organizations acted as a roadmap for the burgeoning Oromo national movement. Unfortunately, the national movement has since been confronted externally by the forces of Ethiopian colonialism – with assistance from their global supporters – and internally by an Oromo collaborator class that serves the interests of the oppressor of the Oromo people. Some Oromo elites have become raw materials for the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian regime and have implemented its terrorist and genocidal policies in the puppet parliament, the administration, and the army, and have participated in imprisoning and killing Oromo nationalists. These internal agents of the Ethiopian government have also participated in robbing Oromo economic resources. As Frantz Fanon notes, “The intermediary does not lighten the oppression, nor seek to hide the domination…he is the bringer of violence into the home and into the mind of the native.”[19] The Oromo national struggle has to solve the internal problem of Oromo society before it can fully confront and defeat its joined external enemies.

It is estimated that the Oromo intermediary elites are the numerical majority at the lower echelons of the Ethiopian colonial institutions. These intermediaries have joined the Tigrayan-created and -led organization known as the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) to satisfy their personal interests at the cost of the Oromo nation. It is true that every colonized nation has a collaborator class that fulfills its interests and the interest of its colonial masters. However, a few elements of this class clandestinely defend the interest of their people. For example, some Eritrean and Tigrayan intermediaries under the Amhara-led Ethiopia protected the interests of their respective people. What makes the Oromo collaborator class different, however, is its total commitment to serve the oppressor (except in a few cases) without being sympathetic to their own people. Ethiopian history demonstrates that key Oromo collaborators have been king makers and have protected the Ethiopian Empire without seeking authority for themselves and their people. “The oppressed learn to wear many masks for different occasions;” Frantz Fanon notes, “they develop skills to detect the moods and wishes of those in authority, learn to present acceptable public behaviors while repressing many incongruent private feelings.”[20]

Most Oromo members of the OPDO clearly exhibit such public behaviors. In every colonized society, those who collaborate with the dominant society are less competent and less accomplished, and yet they are “rewarded extravagantly with fame, fortune and celebrity status simply by their confirmation that the master’s consciousness and his reality is the correct way to think.”[21] While imprisoning or killing independent Oromo leaders, the successive Ethiopian regimes have promoted to positions of authority less competent Oromo collaborators who have internalized and manifested their masters’ worldviews. The Oromo collaborator elites are politically ignorant and harbor an inferiority complex that has been imposed on them by the Amhara-Tigray colonial institutions. According to Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, “Prolonged oppression reduces the oppressed into mere individuals without a community or a history, fostering a tendency to privatize a shared victimization.”[22] Since they have been cut from their individual biographies and the collective Oromo history, members of the Oromo collaborator class only know what Amhara or Tigrayans have taught them and, as a result, they constantly wear “Ethiopian masks” that have damaged their psyches.

The colonizer was never content with occupying the land of indigenous peoples and expropriating their labor; he also declared war on the psyches of the oppressed.[23] By introducing an inferiority complex, the Amhara-Tigray state attacked the Oromo culture and worldview in order to alter the perspective of the colonized Oromo from independence to dependence; consequently, every colonized Oromo subject who has not yet liberated his/her mind wears an Ethiopian mask by associating his/herself with Ethiopian culture and identity. As Fanon asserts, “All colonized people—in other words, people in whom an inferiority complex has taken root, whose local cultural originality has been committed to the grave—position themselves in relation to the civilizing language…. The more the colonized has assimilated the cultural values of [the colonizer], the more he [or she] will have” imitated his/her masters.[24]  As European colonialists did, the Amhara-Tigrayan colonizers have manufactured the Oromo collaborator elites in order to use them in their colonial projects. According to Bulhan, “in prolonged oppression, the oppressed group willy-nilly internalizes the oppressor without. They adopt his guidelines and prohibitions, they assimilate his image and his social behavior, and they become agents of their own oppression. The oppressor without becomes…an oppressor within…. They become auto-oppressor as they engage in self-destructive behavior injurious to themselves, their loved ones, and their neighbors.”[25] It is no wonder that some members of the OPDO, from ordinary individuals to high officials, engage in imprisoning, killing, and robbing members of Oromo society, particularly those whom they suspect of sympathizing with or supporting the Oromo national struggle.

The Oromo self has been attacked and distorted by Ethiopian colonial institutions. The attack on Oromo selves at personal, interpersonal and collective levels has undermined the self-confidence of some Oromo individuals by creating an inferiority complex within them. Consequently, the manufactured Oromo elites are abusive to their people and they confuse their individual ambitions and interest with those of the Oromo nation. What Fanon says about other colonial intermediary native elites applies to the Oromo elites: “The European elite undertook to manufacture native elite. They picked out promising adolescents; they branded them, as with a red-hot iron, with the principles of Western culture; they stuffed their mouths full with high-sounding phrases, grand glutinous words that stuck to the teeth.”[26] Since most Oromo elites who have passed through Ethiopian colonial institutions have not yet achieved psychological liberation, they consciously or unconsciously prefer to work for their colonial masters rather than work as a team on the Oromo liberation project.

What Walter Rodney says about the consequences of the colonial educational system in Africa also applies to the situation of Oromo intermediaries: “The colonial school system educated far too many fools and clowns, fascinated by the ideas and way of life of the European capitalist class,” he says. “Some reached a point of total estrangement from African conditions and the African way of life…. ‘Colonial education corrupted the thinking and sensibilities of the African and filled him with abnormal complexes.’”[27] Similarly, some Oromo intermediaries who have passed through the Ethiopian colonial education system have been de-Oromized and Ethiopianized, and have opposed the Oromo struggle for national liberation. Colonial education creates submissive leaders who facilitate underdevelopment through subordination and exploitation.[28]  Considering the similar condition of the African Americans in the first half of the 20th century, Carter G. Woodson characterized the educated Black as “a hopeless liability of the race,” and schools for Blacks as “places where they must be convinced of their inferiority.”[29] He demonstrated how White oppressors controlled the minds of Blacks through education: “When you control a man’s [or a woman’s thinking] you do not have to worry about his [or her] actions. You do not have to tell him [her] not to stand here or go yonder. He [or she] will find his [or her] ‘proper place’ and will stay in it.”[30] The behaviors and actions of the educated Oromo intermediaries parallel what Woodson claims about the educated African-Americans. But, starting in the mid-20th century, most African-American elites developed nationalist political consciousness by overcoming their inferiority complex and participating in their national struggle for liberation.

There are also biologically and culturally assimilated elements that like to disassociate themselves from anything related to the Oromo. Most biologically and culturally assimilated former Oromos, like their Habasha masters, are the defenders of Habasha culture, religion, and the Amharic language and the haters of Oromo history, culture, institutions, and Afaan Oromoo.  Explaining similar circumstances, Fanon notes, “The individual who climbs upinto white, civilized society tends to reject his black, uncivilized family at the level of the imagination.”[31] The slave psychology of such assimilated Oromos has caused them also to prefer the leadership of the Amhara or Tigrayan oppressor.[32] Through his seven years of experimentation and observation in Martinique, Frantz Fanon concluded that the dominated “black man’s behavior is similar to an obsession neurosis…. There is an attempt by the colored man to escape his individuality, to reduce his being in the world to nothing…. The [psychologically affected] black man goes from humiliating insecurity to self-accusation and even despair.”[33]

These conditions apply to all colonized, repressed, and exploited peoples. Therefore, some Oromos also face similar problems. Furthermore, the attack on Oromo families and national structures introduced psychological disorientations to Oromo individuals, and incapacitated their collective personality. The family—as a basic institution of any society—provides guidance in values, norms, and worldviews and acts as the educational and training ground for entry into that society.[34] Because Oromo families have lived for more than a century under colonial occupation and because Oromo national institutions were intentionally destroyed or disfigured by Ethiopian colonial institutions, the Oromo people lack the educational, cultural, ideological, and experiential resources to guide their children in the process of building national institutions and organizational capacity. Oromo individuals who have lived under such conditions face social, cultural, and psychological crises and become conflict-ridden.

Due to these complex problems, the low level of political consciousness, and an imposed inferiority complex, those who claim that they are nationalists sometimes confuse their sub-identities with the Oromo national identity or with Ethiopian identity. According to Fanon, “The neurotic structure of an individual is precisely the elaboration, the formation, and the birth of conflicting knots in the ego, stemming on the one hand from the environment and on the other from the entirely personal way this individual reacts to these influences.”[35] The Ethiopian colonial system—as well as cultural and religious identities—was imposed on the Oromo creating regional and religious boundaries. Under these conditions, personal identities (e.g. religious affiliation) replaced Oromoness—with its unique values and self-schemas—and Ethiopianism replaced Oromummaa. Colonial rulers saw Oromoness as a source of raw material that was ready to be transformed into other identities. Since most of these individuals are psychologically damaged, they run away from the Oromo national identity. Are genuine Oromo nationalists free of these psychological crises?

The Psychological Legacy of Ethiopian Colonialism

Through political, educational, and religious institutions and the media, the Ethiopian colonial elites and their successive governments have continuously created and perpetuated negative stereotypes and racist values regarding the Oromo people[36] and have led some Oromos to think negatively about themselves. That is why some Oromo parents reject Oromo names and give Amhara or Arab names to their children in order to assimilate them into the cultures they consider superior. Some educated Oromos also develop self-hatred and self-contempt and wear the masks of other people. Ethiopian colonialism and racism have made some Oromo elites hate their culture and language and avoid self-discovery. The process of de-Oromization creates alienation among some Oromos and imbues them with distorted perceptions of their own people. Everything Amhara-Tigray is praised and everything Oromo is rejected and denigrated; the colonialists have depicted the Oromo as barbaric, ignorant, evil, pagan, backward, and superstitious.

In order to avoid these perceived characteristics, some Oromo elites who pass through the Ethiopian colonial education system are Amharized and Ethipianized The colonization of the Oromo mind has indoctrinated Oromo students in order to isolate them from their families and communities and distort their identities by disconnecting them from their heritage, culture, and history.[37] Oppressors don’t just want to control the body of the oppressed; they want to control their minds, thus ensuring the effectiveness of domination and exploitation. Na’im Akbar succinctly explains how the mental control of the oppressed causes personal and collective damage: “The slavery that captures the mind and imprisons the motivation, perception, aspiration and identity in a web of anti-self-images, generating a personal and collective self-destruction, is [more cruel] than shackles on the wrists and ankles. The slavery that feeds on the mind, invading the soul of man [or woman], destroying his [or her] loyalties to himself [or herself] and establishing allegiance to forces which destroys him [or her], is an even worse form of capture.”[38]

The mental enslavement of most Oromo elites is the major reason why the Oromo, who comprise the majority of the population, are brutalized, murdered, and terrorized by the minority Tigrayan elites. What about the Oromo nationalist elites who are struggling for Oromo national self-determination? Are they mentally free? Why have they failed to build a united Oromo national leadership? There is no question that most of the founding fathers and mothers of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism were mentally liberated heroes and heroines; that was why they created the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and the Oromo Liberation Front and paid the ultimate sacrifice. There have been thousands of Oromo nationalists who have followed in their footsteps and paid dearly. What about other Oromo nationalists (particularly leaders) who have partitioned the Oromo national movement by dividing it into different political factions? Oromo nationalists have failed to unite Oromo divided communities, which have been easily infiltrated by the enemies through clan and/or religious bonds. In addition, because of the inferiority complex that the enemies have inculcated in the Oromo mind, some Oromos have failed to respect Oromo leadership, just as Oromo leaders have failed to respect their followers. The nationalist Oromo elites, by failing to overcome the deeply entrenched divisions that the enemies of the Oromo created, have drastically failed to establish a united national movement.

Generally speaking, the necessity of liberating the Oromo mind from psychological oppression through liberation knowledge and consciousness-raising is totally ignored or unrecognized. Due to their political ignorance and ineptitude, Oromo intellectuals and political leaders have failed to organize the masses into a grassroots movement. As a result of psychological crises and oppressive institutions, Oromo collective norms and organizational culture are at a rudimentary level at this historical moment. Therefore, the enemies of the Oromo have found ample political opportunity to mobilize some Oromos against the Oromo national movement. Without the emancipation of Oromo individuals from the inferiority complex and without overcoming the ignorance and the worldviews that the enemies of the Oromo have imposed on them, the Oromo cannot have the self-confidence necessary to facilitate individual liberation and Oromo emancipation. Although it is uncomfortable to recognize the impacts of the psychology of oppression on the Oromo minds, the Oromo national struggle must engage in mental liberation by building liberation knowledge and political consciousness.

Liberation Knowledge, Consciousness-building, and the Politics of Empowerment

In order to achieve psychological liberation via the development of political consciousness, it is essential to understand the process of oppression by learning about the bankruptcy of assimilated Oromo elites and the crises in both individual Oromo biographies and collective Oromo history. As Bulhan asserts, “The experience of victimization in oppression produces, on the one hand, tendencies toward rebellion and a search for autonomy and, on the other, tendencies toward compliance and accommodation. Often, the two tendencies coexist among the oppressed, although a predominant orientation can be identified for any person or generation at a given time.”[39] The oppressed are chained physically, socially, culturally, politically, and psychologically; hence it is difficult to learn about these problems and search for ways to overcome them. Conscious elements of the oppressed “opts for an introspective approach and emphasizes the need to come to terms with one’s self—a self historically tormented by a formidable and oppressive social structure.” [40]

As the current national crisis unfolds, Oromo nationalists in general and leaders in particular should start to engage in critical self-evaluation in order to identify the impact of oppressive and destructive values and behaviors on the Oromo political performance. Psychological liberation from ideological confusion and oppression requires fighting against the external oppressor and the internalized oppressive values. Most oppressed individuals understand what the oppressor does to them from outside, but it is difficult to comprehend how the worldviews of the oppressor are imposed on them and control them from within. As Bulhan explains, “institutionalization of oppression in daily living … entails an internalization of the oppressor’s values, norms, and prohibitions. Internalized oppression is most resistant to change, since this would require a battle on two fronts: the oppressor without and the oppressor within.”[41]

The Ethiopian colonial system has denied education to almost all the Oromo in order to keep them ignorant and submissive. Even those few who have received colonial education have not been provided with a critical education and knowledge for liberation. As Woodson says, colonial education is “a perfect device for control from without.” [42] So it has been difficult and challenging for most Oromo elites to engage in a two-front struggle—liberating themselves from the values and worldviews of Ethiopians and Ethiopian colonial institutions and structures. Because of the lack of political consciousness, the oppressed individuals and groups learn the behavior of the oppressor, engage in conflict, and abuse one another. Attaining a critical political consciousness enables the oppressed individuals and groups to regain their identity, reclaim their history and culture, and regain self-respect internally while fighting against the oppressor externally. Those people who are disconnected from their social and cultural bonds are disorganized, disoriented, and alienated; lacking a critical understanding of individual biographies and collective history, they cannot effectively organize and fight against the values and institutions of their oppressors.

If the occupation of land…entailed the occupation of psyches, then the war for liberation had to be waged on two fronts: The colonizer residing not only without, but also within had to be confronted on both fronts. Otherwise, the vicious cycle of domination would continue. To battle the colonizer without first assumes a degree of self-respect and self-validation, a conviction that one is at least as good and as human as he is. It also assumes the existence of a bond with others, a sharing of similar experiences and determination…. The colonized had been reduced to individuals without an anchor in history, alienated from themselves and others. So long as this alienation prevailed, the colonizer without could not be challenged. His abuses, humiliations, and suffocating repression permeated everyday living, further undermining the colonized [person’s] self-respect and collective bonds.[43]

Colonialism attacks the individual psyche and biography, as well as the collective history, of a given people. These damaging processes occur through various forms of violence, including colonial terrorism. “Violence is any relation, process, or condition by which an individual or a group violates the physical, social, and/or psychological integrity of another person or group. From this perspective, violence inhibits human growth, negates inherent potential, limits productive living, and causes death” [Emphasis given in original].[44]Nationalist projects of the oppressed emerge to deal with these complex problems. A few Oromo nationalists who gained political consciousness and self-respect by overcoming the psychological and cultural impacts of Ethiopian colonialism in the 1960s and the 1970s began to engage in Oromo nationalist projects by creating a self-help association, a musical group, and a liberation front, while most Oromo elites were serving their own interests and the interests of their colonial masters.

When some elements of the colonized people develop political consciousness, organize, and engage in the struggle for freedom, they turn their internalized anger, hostility, and violence that destroyed relationships among them against the colonizers. The nascent Oromo nationalists face monumental political problems as the result of the decadent Ethiopian political system. In addition to brutal violence and repression, the oppressor uses various methods of social control. “The oppressed is made a prisoner within a narrow circle of tamed ideas, a wrecked ecology, and a social network strewn with prohibitions. Their family and community life is infiltrated in order to limit his capacity for bonding and trust. His past is obliterated and his history falsified to render him without an origin or a future. A system of reward and punishment based on loyalty to the oppressor is instituted to foster competition and conflict among the oppressed.”[45] The Oromo have been living under political slavery for more than a century; they have been denied the freedom of self-expression, organization, and assembly. The colonialists and their collaborators have committed various crimes against Oromo culture, history, language, and psychology. The founding fathers and mothers of Oromo nationalism understood these complex problems and tried to solve them by developing social, economic, cultural, and political projects.

Human beings have basic attributes that Bulhan characterizes as “essential human needsand essential human powers,” both of which are necessary in order to survive and fully develop.[46] The people who were colonized and dominated cannot adequately satisfy their basic needs and access their self-actualizing powers. These include “(a) biological needs, (b) sociability and rootedness, (c) clarity and integrity of self, (d) longevity and symbolic immortality, (e) self-reproduction in praxis, and (f) maximum self-determination.”[47] Human beings must satisfy their basic biological needs, such as food, sex, clothing, and shelter in order to survive. However, these biological needs can only be satisfied in a culture that provides sociability and rootedness. Those people whose culture has been attacked and disfigured by colonialism are underdeveloped; their basic needs are not satisfactorily met and their self-actualizing powers are stagnated; “For to acquire culture presupposes not only a remarkable power of learning and teaching, but also an enduring capacity for interdependence and inter-subjectivity. Not only the development of our higher power of cognition and affect, but also the development of our basic senses rest on the fact that we are social beings.”[48]

Colonialism can be maintained by committing genocide or ethnocide and/or by organized cultural destruction or mental genocide and the assimilation of a sector of the colonized population. Ethiopian colonialists expropriated Oromo economic resources and destroyed Oromo institutions and cultural experts and leaders; they have also denied the Oromo the opportunity to develop the Oromo system of knowledge by preventing the transmission of Oromo cultural experiences from generation to generation. All these colonial policies were designed to uproot the Oromo cultural identity and to produce individuals who lack self-respect and are submissive and ready to serve the colonialists. Under these conditions, the Oromo basic needs and self-actualizing powers have not been fulfilled. In other words, the Oromo biological and social needs have been frustrated. “If failure to satisfy biological needs leads to disease and physical death,” Bulhan notes, “then denial of human contact, communication, and affirmation … leads to a social and psychological ‘starvation’ or ‘death’ no less devastating than, and conditioning, physical death.”[49]

The Ethiopian colonialists—having caused the physical death of millions—have further attempted to introduce social and cultural death to the Oromo people. Both the Amhara and Tigrayan elites have attempted to destroy or control the Oromo selfhood in order to deny the Oromo both individual and national self-determination. From all angles, the Habasha have tried their best to prevent the Oromo from achieving clarity and integrity of the Oromo self; they have prevented the Oromo from establishing cultural and historical immortality through the reproduction and recreation of their history, culture and worldview, and from achieving maximum self-determination. “The pursuit of self-clarity is … intimately bound with the clarity developed first about one’s body, the body’s boundary and attributes, and later one’s larger world. This pursuit of clarity has survival, developmental, and organizing value. It entails both a differentiation from as well as integration with others and with one’s past. Without some clarity of the self, however tentative and tenuous, there can be no meaningful relating with others, no expression of inherent human potentials, no gratification of essential needs.”[50]

The founding fathers and mothers of Oromo nationalism purposely engaged in political praxis to save the Oromo from psychological, social, cultural, and physical death. Without a measure of self-determination, a person cannot fully satisfy his/her biological and social needs, self-actualize, and engage in praxis as an active agent to transform society and oneself. “Self-determination refers to the process and capacity to choose among alternatives, to determine one’s behavior, and to affect one’s destiny. As such, self-determination assumes a consciousness of human possibilities, an awareness of necessary constraints, and a willed, self-motivated engagement with one’s world.”[51] As individuals and groups, the Oromo must struggle to achieve their personal and national self-determination. The Oromo have the internal power to make their choices from the best possible alternatives and to have control over what they do. The Ethiopian colonialists have assumed almost complete control over the Oromo in an attempt to deny them the right of self-determination, both individually and collectively.

Unfortunately, the oppression is not limited to national borders. Ethiopian colonialists have had psychological impacts on some Oromos in the diaspora, and have infiltrated diaspora communities and their organizations in order to dismantle them. Oromo individuals and groups who do not clearly comprehend the essence of self-determination and who do not struggle for it are doomed to both psychological and cultural death. “History and social conditions present [not only] alternatives but also constraints. We can choose to act or not act. But even when we lack alternatives in the world as we find it, we do possess the capacity to interpret and reinterpret, to adopt one attitude and not another. Without the right of self-determination, we are reduced to rigid and automatic behaviors, to a life and destiny shorn of human will and freedom.”[52] At this historical moment, most of the Oromo in the diaspora are passive; they do not struggle effectively for their individual and national self-determination. This has left their communities vulnerable to infiltration by Oromo collaborators, who then attempt to turn Oromos against one another.

The founding fathers and mothers of Oromo nationalism as a social group reclaimed their individual authentic biographies and Oromo collective history and defined the Oromo national problem; they sought the political solution of national self-determination. In order to continue the policy of social, cultural, psychological, and physical death and control the Oromo society, the Ethiopian colonial state killed or destroyed these leaders. The present Tigrayan-led regime of Ethiopia has continued the same policy. Without psychological liberation and organized, conscious, and collective action, the Oromo people cannot fulfill the objectives of the Oromo national movement. Currently, most Oromo elites and leaders do not realize the problems they are causing for the Oromo national struggle because of their socio-cultural and psychological crises and their failure to critically understand the national crisis. The continuation of these crises and the absence of a united Oromo national leadership allow the continuation of the psychological, social, cultural, and physical death of the Oromo people.

Physical, social, or psychological death is too heavy a price for an accustomed passivity, a corrosive apathy, self-defeating individualism, and predictability of stagnation. Psychological work with the oppressed must give priority to organized and collective activity to regain power and liberty. One critical focus of intervention has to do with unraveling, through active involvement and demonstrations in the social world, the self-defeating patterns of relating, the tendency toward betrayal of the self and/or others, the internalized script for failure and disaster, as well as the conditioned fear of taking a stand or even fear of freedom—all of which derive from a contrived system of socialization, and elaborate formula to produce willing victim. Another crucial focus is the comprehension and refinement of strategies as wells as tactics for regaining power and liberty.[53]

In the capitalist world system, might is right. Those people who cannot empower themselves through liberation knowledge, psychological recovery, and the will to organize and defend themselves in a united movement cannot survive as a people.  We know that one of the major reasons why the colonialists were able to destroy most indigenous peoples in the world was the result of these peoples’ lack of unity and strong organization. It is not enough to know about the impact of colonialism without recognizing and solving the internal crises of the colonized or the oppressed. “A psychology of liberation would give primacy to the empowerment of the oppressed through organized and socialized activity with the aim of restoring individual biographies and a collective history derailed, stunted, and/or made appendage to those of others. Life indeed takes on morbid qualities and sanity becomes tenuous so long as one’s space, time, energy, mobility, and identity are usurped by dint of violence.”[54] The Oromo elites and leaders must realize that the Oromo cannot achieve the liberation objectives without understanding and overcoming the internalized values that they have learned from their oppressors and the inferiority complex that they are suffering from: “To transform a situation of oppression requires at once a relentless confrontation of oppressors without, who are often impervious to appeals, to reasons or compassion, and an equally determined confrontation of the oppressor within, whose violence can unleash a vicious cycle of auto-destruction to the self as well as to the group.”[55]

For instance, vicious cycles of auto-destruction recently arose in the Oromo diaspora communities due to clan and regional politics, as some Oromo groups engaged in the destruction of the OLF from a distance. This was the result of a failure on the part of the Oromo leadership to confront the oppressor within. Without using the tool of liberation knowledge to build political consciousness and restore their usurped biographies and history, the Oromo cannot confront and defeat the oppressor within. The Oromo national movement is still suffering from the oppressor within and the lack of effective leadership. Since the Oromo masses are not organized and educated in the politics and psychology of liberation, they have been passive participants in the Oromo national movement. They have been waiting to receive their liberation as a gift from Oromo political organizations. This is a serious mistake. Oromo liberation can only be achieved by the active participation of an effective portion of the Oromo people. As Gilly Adolfo states, “Liberation does not come as a gift from anybody; it is seized by the masses with their own hands. And by seizing it they themselves are transformed; confidence in their own strength soars, and they turn their energy and their experience to the tasks of building, governing, and deciding their own lives for themselves.”[56] Developing Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism among the Oromo elites and masses is required to increase Oromo self-discovery and self-acceptance through liberation education. Without overcoming the political ignorance and inferiority complex among all sectors of the Oromo people, the Oromo national movement continues to face multi-faceted problems. The Oromo can challenge and overcome multiple levels of domination and dehumanization through multiple approaches and actions. As Patricia Hill Collins puts, “People experience and resist oppression on three levels: the level of personal biography; the group or community level of the cultural context…and the systematic level of social institutions.”[57] Developing individual political consciousness through liberation knowledge generates social change. This is essential to the creation of a sphere of freedom by increasing the power of self-definition, which is absolutely necessary for the liberation of the mind. Without the liberated and free mind, we cannot resist oppression on multiple levels.

The dominant groups are against mental liberation, and they use institutions such as schools, churches or mosques, the media, and other formal organizations to inculcate their oppressive worldviews in our minds. According to Collins, “Domination operates by seducing, pressuring, or forcing … members of subordinated groups to replace individual and cultural ways of knowing with the dominant group’s specialized thought. As a result … ‘the true focus of revolutionary change is never merely the oppressive situation which we seek to escape, but that piece of the oppressor which is planted deep within each of us.’ Or…‘revolutionary begins with the self, in the self.’”[58] Every Oromo must be educated and acquire liberation knowledge to fight for his/her individual freedom and empowerment. Without the liberation and empowerment of the individual, we cannot overcome the docility and passivity of our people and empower them to revolt and liberate themselves. “Empowerment involves rejecting the dimensions of knowledge, whether personal, cultural, or institutional, that perpetuate objectification and dehumanization … individuals in subordinate groups become empowered when we understand and use those dimensions of our individual, group, and disciplinary ways of knowing that foster our humanity as fully human subjects.”[59] As Oromos, we have been objectified and made raw materials for others who have state power. How much longer will we tolerate such deplorable conditions?

Discussion and Conclusion

The only way the Amhara-Tigrayan state elites continue their colonial domination and exploitation of our people is by controlling our mental power and preventing our mental liberation. They have continued to disrupt our consciousness-building process through different mechanisms, particularly by infiltrating our communities and organizations and dividing and turning us against one another. These colonial elites have imprisoned and tortured or killed our self-conscious individuals and bribed and promoted those Oromos who are not politically conscious or those opportunists who cannot see beyond their individual self-interests. According to Akbar, “Human beings have consistently worked to create the circumstances to maximize their consciousness and to insure that each subsequent generation will know fully who and what they are. On the other hand, whenever human beings chose to oppress or capture other human beings, they also did all that they could do to undermine any expansion of consciousness by the oppressed…. They understand that ultimately the control of the people was in the control their thinking, in control of their minds, in control of their consciousness.”[60]

By preventing the restoration of the Oromo heritage, culture, history, and institutions, the colonialists have limited the expansion of Oromo consciousness and self-knowledge. These colonialists have also continued to disseminate lies or distorted information to the Oromo people and others using the media, education, and religion, leading to their continued acceptance of the worldviews of their oppressor.  Every Oromo must know and understand Oromo history, culture, heritage, worldview, and religion from antiquity to the present time in order to build his/her national consciousness and self-knowledge. We also need to learn about all of our heroes and heroines and Oromo accomplishments throughout history. People who do not know their culture and history are mentally dead, and any group that has military power and knowledge can easily impose its worldview on those who do not.

We must teach our people and children the correct information about their conditions. Explaining the conditions of African Americans, Akbar notes, “It is through self-celebration that we heal our damaged self-esteem. Yes, feeling good about oneself is a legitimate activity of cultures. In fact, any culture, which does not make its adherents feel good about them, is a failure as a culture. It is through the energy of self-worth that humans are motivated to improve and perpetuate themselves.”[61] The process of mental liberation requires courage, hard work, discipline, and commitment; it involves individual, family and community. “Since the new consciousness can take a lifetime to begin to show tangible results,” Akbar writes, “it takes a great deal of courage to persist in breaking the chains of the old consciousness and developing a new consciousness.”[62]

Those of us who are a part of the diaspora beyond Ethiopian political slavery must not waste our time and energy on trivial and unproductive issues; we must build our brains and communities to overcome the lonely and ill-equipped road to freedom. We do not need to wait for activists or politicians to engage us in mental liberation and community building since they are not any better than we are. Every Oromo nationalist has a moral and national obligation to promote and engage in consciousness-building projects. Colonialists use community divisions to keep mental shackles on their subjects, even in the diaspora. They use divide-and-conquer strategies, replete with tricks and deceit, in order to destroy Oromo community life. This is one of the reasons why many Oromo communities in the diaspora face substantial problems and are overwhelmed by perpetual conflicts.

Most Oromos—despite the fact that they brag about it—forget their gadaa/siqqee tradition, which was based on democracy, solidarity, and collectivity. We must realize that there is strength in democracy, solidarity, and unity, and there is weakness in loneliness and fragmentation. “As we gain greater knowledge and information, many of those divisions will disappear because they cannot stand under the light of Truth and correct information.”[63]In the capitalist world system, the less informed are the less organized. The less organized are the ones who are physically and mentally controlled by those who are organized. In forming solidarity and building our communities, we do not need to agree on everything; our unity must be built on our common denominator. As Akbar states, “In the process of liberation, it is important to recognize that unity does not require uniformity. We can stand together and preserve our separate qualities which serve to enhance further the objectives of freeing ourselves and all of our people.”[64]

We need to have faith in ourselves, both individually and collectively. We have many talented individuals in many areas, which can play central roles in the process of mental liberation and consciousness- and community-building. “We must work to re-educate ourselves and our young people by seeking and studying new information. We must find every opportunity to celebrate ourselves and we must challenge the fear that causes us to hesitate in taking the chains out of our minds. We must work together and we must have faith that our struggle will be successful, regardless of the opposition.”[65] We must also stand with our heroes and heroines who have broken the Ethiopian physical and psychological prison house by shedding their blood and sacrificing their precious lives to send us around the world as Oromo diplomats to contribute toward the liberation of the politically enslaved, psychologically chained, and economically impoverished Oromos.

At this historical moment, we the Oromo in the Diaspora should overcome our passivity, political ignorance, individualism, naiveté, anarchism, fatalism, perceived inferiority, and community divisions by actively engaging in our psychological and mental liberation. How can we accomplish all these urgent tasks? We must attack the internalization of oppression and victimization by rejecting the worldview of our oppressors through un-brainwashing our entire people. This can be made possible by promoting quality informal and formal education through establishing alternative schools, study circles, cultural centers, and related institutions for engaging in small group workshops, discussion groups, seminars, lectures, etc. These kinds of engagements help us in overcoming our weaknesses and in fighting the basis of our powerlessness through participating in political actions that can be demonstrated every day. This array of activities can facilitate the further mobilization of our material, cultural, and intellectual resources to further develop Oromo communities. Once our communities are internally built and consolidated, it will be possible to disempower the agents of our oppressors who stand among us.

If we continue to allow these agents to divide and demobilize us, we will remain a weak society that always serves the interests of others. On the contrary, if we build strong communities, we can easily build alliances with progressive individuals and communities based on our political and social objectives. This is an important step forward for securing recognition for our nation and national movement from the international community. Furthermore, our political activism and actions must be expanded. We, the Oromo in the diaspora, must immediately take the following concrete steps to contribute to the survival and liberation of our people:

First, we must initiate town hall meetings in every town where an Oromo community lives and discuss the fate of the Oromo people, focusing on their achievements, failures, challenges, opportunities, and constraints as a nation. This is not openly possible in Oromia because the Oromo people are denied the freedom of self-expression, organization, and the media.

Second, the Oromo in the diaspora must stop the politics of self-destruction by refusing to engage in inter-clan, inter-religious, and inter-regional politics, and by isolating the Oromo mercenaries from every Oromo community. Since the Oromo mercenaries use clan, religious, and regional politics to divide the Oromo people and turn them against one another, the Oromo community must reject them and their politics. The Oromo community must disempower them by maintaining a sense of the unity of the Oromo community across clan, religious and regional identities in the face of their self-destructive ideologies. The Oromo must achieve a sense of Oromummaa at the deepest level[66] so that they are not distracted from the task of achieving psychological and physical liberation.

Third, the Oromo Diaspora must challenge the Oromo activists, who have built their separate organizations, to break down barriers among different Oromo organizations and unite them—around a common denominator under one structured organization and leadership.

Fourth, Oromo youth and women should be encouraged to actively participate in national dialogues and town hall meetings. They must play a leading role, since they are less corrupted by the ideologies of egoism, clan, religious and regional politics.

Fifth, Oromo nationalists must establish a rule of law based on the principles ofgadaa/siqqee and other democratic traditions and use them in the administration of their community and national affairs.

Sixth, since unconscious people cannot liberate themselves from the internalization of the inferiority complex, victimization, and colonial domination, the Oromo diaspora should cultivate liberation knowledge through regular dialogues, seminars, conferences, workshops, lectures, and study circles. We must learn about our history, culture, language, and traditions from antiquity to the present, and about the world around us. At this historical moment, the number one enemy of our people is political ignorance; Oromo nationalists must smash this enemy. By building our political consciousness and organizing ourselves, we are going to play a historic role commensurate with our number. When our sleeping giant nation is awakened, others cannot use us as raw material. One of the main reasons why the forty million Oromos are terrorized and ruled by the elites that emerged from about four million Tigrayans is the low level of our political consciousness. A low level of political consciousness results in passivism and fatalism.

Seventh, every self-respecting Oromo must realize that he or she has the power to determine the destiny of Oromia. Every Oromo must be educated about his or her potential power and what he or she must do to translate it to real power.

Eighth, the Oromo diaspora movement must start building from bottom-up a confederation of Oromo political, religious, community, and self-help organizations to create a Global Gumii Oromiyaa that will contribute ideological, organizational, and financial resources for consolidating the Oromo struggle, the Oromo Liberation Army, and self-defense militias in Oromia. The Global Gumii Oromiyaa will play a fundamental preparatory role in creating and building an Oromiyaa state fashioned after our gadaa/siqqee system. This state will be a key element of a democratic, federated multinational state in the Horn of Africa. In order to do this, the Oromo national movement needs to retrieve, refine, adapt, and practice the principles of our gadaa/siqqe system.

The idea of creating and building a national Gumii Oromiyaa must be given top priority by all progressive and revolutionary Oromos in order to revitalize, centralize, and coordinate the Oromo national movement. All nationalist Oromos should be encouraged and invited to participate in a united Oromo national movement and to own their movement. All Oromo activists and nationalist leaders should begin to search for ways of enabling Oromos to participate in the united Oromo national movement by providing ideas, resources, expertise, and labor. Although the fire of Oromo nationalism was lit by a few determined revolutionary elements, the Oromo national struggle has reached a level where mass mobilization and participation is required. In this mobilization, the united Oromo national movement should use the ideology and principles of democracy which must be enshrined in Oromummaa in order to mobilize the entire nation spiritually, financially, intellectually, ideologically, militarily, and organizationally to take a centralized and coordinated political and military action.

Ninth, most members of the Oromo diaspora must engage in public diplomacy by introducing the Oromo and their plight to the international community. In order to successfully do this, every Oromo in the diaspora must adequately learn about Oromo history, culture, and civilization and be able to teach others by refuting the lies and propaganda of the colonialists and their supporters.

Tenth, Oromo nationalists in the diaspora must start to build a well-regulated system that can provide support and security for individual Oromos who are determined to advance the Oromo national interest whenever they face hardship beyond their control.

Finally, the Oromo must believe that they will liberate themselves. There is no doubt that, despite hardships and sacrifices, the Oromo “social volcano” that is fermenting will soon burn down the Ethiopian colonial structures that perpetuate terrorism, genocide, disease, absolute poverty, and malnutrition in Oromia and beyond. The Oromo people and their leaders must intensify their commitment, hard work, and determination, and be ready to make the necessary sacrifices to restore Oromo democracy and to achieve national self-determination, sovereignty, statehood, and multinational democracy.

Endnotes

[1] Paper Presented at the Oromo Community Meeting of the United Kingdom, May 19, 2012.
[2] For further understanding of transnational capitalism and its impacts, see William I. Robinson, A Theory of Global Capitalism: Production, Class, and State in a Transnational World, (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2004); William I. Robinson, Latin America and Global Capitalism: A Critical Globalization Perspective,(Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2008).
[3] See Asafa Jalata, Contending Nationalisms of Oromia an Ethiopia, (Binghamton, NY: Global Academic Publishing of Binghamton University, 2010); Asafa Jalata, “The Tigrayan-Led Ethiopian State, Repression, Terrorism and Gross Human Rights Violations in Oromia and Ethiopia,” Horn of Africa, vol. xxviii, 2010, pp. 47-82.
[4] For example, see Asafa Jalata, Oromia & Ethiopia, (Trenton, NJ: The Re Red Sea Press, 2005); Bonnie Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, The Invention of Ethiopia, (Trenton: NJ: The Red Sea Press, 1990).
[5] The liberation of the Oromo is inextricably intertwined with the liberation of all of the peoples under the rule of the rule of the TPLF-led government. For a discussion of the relationship of Oromummaa to liberation of all oppressed nationalities in the Ethiopian Empire see Asafa Jalata, “Theorizing Oromummaa,” Journal of Oromo Studies 22 (1), 2015: 1-35.
[6] For further understanding, see Asafa Jalata and Harwood Schaffer,  “The Oromo,Gadaa/Siqqee and the Liberation of Ethiopian Colonial Subjects,” with Harwood Schaffer,AlterNative: An International Journal of  Indigenous Peoples, Vol. 9, Issue 4: 2013, 277-295.
[7] Lemmu Baissa, “The Oromo Gada System of Government: An Indigenous African Democracy,” Ed. Asafa Jalata, State Crises, Globalisation and National Movements in Northeast Africa, (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 101.
[8] Tsega Etefa, “Pan-Oromo Confederations in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,”The Journal of Oromo Studies 15 (1), 2008: 19-40; Tsega Etefa, “A Great African Nation: The Oromo in European Accounts,” The Journal of Oromo Studies, 17(1), 2010: 87-110.
[9] Virginia Luling, “Government and Social Control Among Some Peoples of the Horn of Africa,” (MA. Thesis, the University o London); Asmarom Legesse, Gadaa: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, (New York: The Free Press, 1973).
[10] Virginia Luling, ibid. 191.
[11] See, Asmarom Legesse, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of Africa Society,(New York: Free Press, 19730.
[12] Bonnie K. Holcomb, “Akka Gadaatti: The Unfolding of Oromo Nationalism-Keynote Remarks,” Proceedings of the 1991 Conference on Oromia, (University of Toronto, Canada, 3-4 August, pp. 1-10.
[13] Asmarom Legesse, ibid.
[14] Lemmu Baissa, The Democratic Political System of the Galla [Oromo] of Ethiopia and the Possibility of its use in Nation-Building, MA Thesis, George Washington University, 1971); Lemmu Baissa, “The Political Culture of Gada: Building Blocks of Oromo Power,)Paper Presented at the Oromo Studies Association Conference, (University of Toronto, Canada, 31 July- 1, August 1993).
[15] Dinsa Lepisa, “The Gada System of Government and Sera Cafee Oromo,” (LLB Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1975); Sisai Ibssa, “Implications of Party and Set for Oromo Political Survival,” Paper Prsented at the 35th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, (Seattle, Washington, Nov. 20-23, 1992).
[16] For further discussion, see Asafa Jalata, Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia; and Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia.
[17] For further discussion, see Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia.
[18] For detailed discussion, see Asafa Jalata, Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia.
[19] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, translated by Constance Farrington, (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1963[1961]), p. 38.
[20]Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression,      (New York: Plenum Press, 1985), p. 123.
[21] Na’im Akbar, Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery, (Tallahassee, FL: Mind Productions and Associates, 1996), p. 41.
[22]Ibid.
[23]Fanon, Frantz, A Dying Colonialism, translated by Haakon Chevalier, (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1967[1965]), p. 65.
[24]Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, translated by Richard Philcox, (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 2008[1952]), pp. 2-3.
[25] Hussein Abdilahi Bulihan, ibid. pp. 125-126.
[26] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p. 7.
[27] Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press,), pp. 248-249.
[28] Walter Rodney, ibid. p. 241.
[29] Carter G. Woodson, The Mis-education of the Negro, (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, Inc., 1990 [1933], pp. xiii, 2.
[30] Ibid.
[31] Walter Rodney, Ibid. p. 42.
[32] Carter G. Woodson explains similar conditions in the African American society, ibid.
[33] Ibid.
[34] Ibid. p. 127.
[35] Ibid. p. 62.
[36] For detailed discussion, see Asafa Jalata, Fighting against the Injustice of the State and Globalization: Comparing the African American and Oromo Movements, (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012[2001].
[37] Begna F. Dugassa, “Colonialism of Mind: Deterrent of Social Transformation,”Sociology Mind, 1(2): 55-64.
[38] Na’im Akbar, Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery, (Tallahassee, FL: Mind Productions and Associates, 1996), pp. v-iv.
[39] Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression, p. 55.
[40] Ibid. p. 56.
[41] Ibid. p. 123.
[42] Carter G. Woodson, ibid., p. 96.
[43] Ibid. p. 139.
[44] Ibid. p. 135.
[45] Ibid. p. 123.
[46] Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression, p. 262.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Ibid. p. 263.
[49] Ibid. 
[50] Ibid. p. 264.
[51] Ibid. p. 265.
[52] Ibid. pp. 265-266.
[53] Ibid. p. 276.
[54] Ibid. p. 277.
[55] Ibid. pp. 277-278.
[56] Gilly Adolfo. [1965] 1967. “Introduction,” A Dying Colonialism, ibid. p. 2.
[57] Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought, (New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 227.
[58] Patricia Hill Collins, ibid., p. 229.
[59] Ibid., p. 230.
[60] Na’im Akbar, Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery, p. 30.
[61] Ibid. p. 39.
[62] Ibid. p. 41.
[63] Ibid. p. 42.
[64] Ibid. p. 43.
[65] Ibid. p. 46.
[66] Jalata, Asafa, “Theorizing Oromummaa,” Journal of Oromo Studies, 22 (1), 2015, pp. 1-35.